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NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL 



HISTORY OF AMERICA 



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NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL 



HISTORY OF AMERICA 



EDITED 

By JUSTIN WINSOR 



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VOL. 11. — PART II. 



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BOSTON AND NEW YORK 

HOUGHTON, MIFFLIN AND COMPANY 

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Copyright, 1886, 
By Houghton, MiFFLtN and Company, 

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TIa RiMriiJ, Prm, CamtriJft, Mui., U. S. A 
Prinlvd by H, O' HcvgbtoD & Company* 




3i D3 7 



CHAPTER V. 

LAS CASAS. AND TIIK KKLATIc^XS OF TIIK SPANIARDS TO 

TIIK INDIANS. 

BY (;i:(>r(;e kpward ki.lis, 

WHEN the groat apostle of the new faith, on his voyage fn»m Asia 
to Kuropc, was shipwrecked on a Mediterranean i>land. '* the bar- 
barous people " showed him and his company '* no little kindness." On 
first acquaintance with their chief visitor they ha>tily judj^ed him t«» be a 
murderer, whom, though he had escapeil tlie sea. yet veni^eance would not 
suffer to live. Hut aftenvard ** thev chanired their minds, and said that 
he was a ^od," ' The same extreme revul>ion of feeling and judgment 
was wrouj^^ht in the mimls of the natives of this New \Vi»rl«l when the 
ocean-tossed vova^ers from the «)ld continent fir^t landed on these shores, 
brin^inj^ the parted representatives of humanity <»n this ^lobc inli> mutual 
ac(]uaintance and intercourse. Only in this latter ca-^e the chanije of 
feelin;.^ and juilj^nunt was inverted. The simple natives i.f the fair west- 
ern islam! re^anleil their mysterious visiti»rs as suprrhuman heiuL^s; fur- 
ther knowledge of them pmved them to hi.- •' munlrrer'*." rapacious, cniel, 
and inhuman. — fit subjects for a ilire veni^eance. 

In the'^e softer times of ours the subject of tiie present chapter mr^ht 
well be passed silently, ilenied a revival, .uid left in the j)iliful oblivion 
which Covers so manv of the distres».in«^ horri»rs «»f "man's inhumanitv ii» 
man." Hut. happily for the writer an«l r»r the reader, the title »tf the ehap- 
ter is a double «»ne, anil i-mbraces twt» themes*. The |>ainfid n.nT.itive in 
be rehearseil is ti» be relieved bv a tri!>ute of admiiin/ ,\\\t\ ii\eiential 
homage to a Naintly man of si;^nal virtues .md hernic -ervitts. mu- i.f the 
j^rauilest and most au-^ust characters in the \\orltl\ hi-i.»iy .M.in\* »>f the ol>- 
scure and a few of the dismal ilement^ an»l inculi nt*^ of Ion:; |)aNsfd times, 
in the rehearsal of them on fresh pa.je-. are to .i di ;;ne relii\««l l>\ nrw 
light thrown upon them, by the detection anil e\pt»sure of errors, and by 



w» * 



-i^r-Bi*-- 



300 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 

readjustments of truth. Gladly would a writer on the subject before us 
avail himself of any such means to reduce or to qualify its repulsiveness. 
But advancing time, with the assertion of the higher instincts of humanity 
which have sharpened regrets and reproaches for all the enormities of the 
past, has not furnished any abatements for the faithful dealing with this 
subject other than that just presented. 

It is a fact worthy of a pause for thought, that in no single instance since 
the discovery of our islands and continent by Europeans — to say nothing 
about the times before it — has any new race of men come to the knowl- 
edge of travellers, explorers, and visitors from the realms of so-called 
civilization, when the conditions were so fair and favorable in the first 
introduction and acquaintance between the parties as in that between 
Columbus and the natives of the sea-girt isle of Hispaniola. Not even in 
the sweetest idealizings of romance is there a more fascinating picture than 
that which he draws of those unsophisticated children of Nature, their gen- 
tleness, docility, and friendliness. They were not hideous or repulsive, as 
barbarians ; they did not revolt the sight, like many of the African tribes, 
like Bushmen, Feejeans, or Hottentots ; they presented no caricaturings of 
humanity, as giants or dwarfs, as Amazons or Esquimaux; their naked 
bodies were not mutilated, gashed, or painted; they uttered no yells or 
shrieks, with mad and threatening gestures. They were^ attractive in per- 
son, well formed, winning and gentle, and trustful ; they were lithe and soft 
of skin, and their hospitality was spontaneous, generous, and genial. Tribes 
of more warlike and less gracious nature proved to exist on some of the 
islands, about the isthmus and the continental regions of the early invasion; 
but the first introduction and intercourse of the representatives of the 
parted continents set before the Europeans a race of their fellow-creatures 
with whom they might have lived and dealt in peace and love. 

And what shall we say of the new-comers, the Spaniards, — the subjects 
of the proudest of monarchies, the representatives of the age of chivalry ; 
gentlemen, nobles, disciples of the one Holy Catholic Church, and soldiers 
of the Cross of Christ ? What sort of men were they, what was their 
errand, and what impress did they leave upon the scenes so fair before 
their coming, and upon those children of Nature whom they found so 
innocent and loving, and by whom they were at first gazed upon with awe 
and reverence as gods? 

In only one score of the threescore years embraced in our present sub- 
ject the Spaniards had sown desolation, havoc, and misery in and around 
their track. They had depopulated some of the best-peopled of the islands, 
and renewed them with victims deported from others. They had inflicted 
upon hundreds of thousands of the natives all the forms and agonies of fiend- 
ish cruelty, driving them to self-starvation and suicide as a way of mercy 
and release from an utterly wretched existence. They had come to be 
viewed by their victims as fiends of hate, malignity, and all dark and cruel 
desperation and mercilessness in passion. The hell which they denounced 



LAS CASAS, AND THE SPANIARDS AND INDIANS. 301 

upon their victims was shorn of its worst terror by the assurance that these 
tormentors were not to be there. 

Only what is needful for the truth of history is to be told here, while 
shocking details are to be passed by. And as the rehearsal is made to set 
forth in relief the nobleness, grandeur of soul, and heroism of a man whose 
nearly a century of years was spent in holy rebuke, protest, exposure, and 
attempted redress of this work of iniquity, a reader may avert his gaze from 
the narration of the iniquity and fix it upon the character and career of the 
" Apostle to the Indians." 

There was something phenomenal and monstrous, something so aimless, 
reckless, wanton, unprovoked, utterly ruinous even for themselves, in that 
course of riot and atrocity pursued by the Spaniards, which leads us — while 
palliation and excuse are out of the question — to seek some physical or 
moral explanation of it. This has generally been found in referring to the 
training of Spanish nature in inhumanity, cruelty, contempt of human life, 
and obduracy of feeling, through many centuries of ruthless warfare. It 
was in the very year of the discovery of America that the Spaniards, in the 
conquest of Granada, had finished their eight centuries of continuous war 
for wresting their proud country from the invading Moors. This war had 
made every Spaniard a fighter, and every infidel an enemy exempted from 
all tolerance and mercy. Treachery, defiance of pledges and treaties, bru- 
talities, and all wild and reckless stratagems, had educated the champions 
of the Cross and faith in what were to them but the accomplishments of the 
soldier and the fidelity of the believer. Even in the immunities covenanted 
to the subject-Moors, of tolerance in their old home and creed, the inge- 
nuities of their implacable foes found the means of new devices for oppres- 
sion and outrage. The Holy Office of the Inquisition, with all its cavernous 
secrets and fiendish processes, dates also from the same period, and gave its 
fearful consecration to all the most direful passions. 

With that training in inhumanity and cruelty which the Spanish adven- 
turers brought to these shores, we must take into view that towering, over- 
mastering rapacity and greed which were to glut themselves upon the spoils 
of mines, precious stones, and pearls. The rich soil, with the lightest till- 
age, would have yielded its splendid crops for man and beast. Flocks 
would have multiplied and found their own sustenance for the whole year 
without any storage in garner, barn, or granary. A rewarding commerce 
would have enriched merchants on either side of well-traversed ocean path- 
ways. But not the slightest thought or recognition was given during the 
first half-century of the invasion to any such enterprise as is suggested by 
the terms colonization, the occupancy of soil for husbandry and domesti- 
cation. Spanish pride, indolence, thriftlessness regarded every form of 
manual labor as a demeaning humiliation. There was no peasantry among 
the new-comers. The humblest of them in birth, rank, and means was a 
gentleman ; his hands could not hold a spade or a rake, or guide the 
plough. The horse and the hound were the only beasts on his inven- 



302 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 

tory of values. Sudden and vast enrichment by the treasures of gold 
wrung from the natives, first in their fragmentary ornaments, and then by 
compulsory toil from the mines which would yield it in heaps, were the 
lure and passion of the invaders. The natives, before they could reach any 
conception of the Divine Being of the Catholic creed, soon came to the 
understanding of the real object of their worship : as a cacique plainly 
set forth to a group of his trembling subjects, when, holding up a piece of 
gold, he said, " This is the Spaniards' god." A sordid passion, with its 
overmastery of all the sentiments of humanity, would inflame the nerves 
and intensify all the brutal propensities which are but masked in men of 
a low range of development even under the restraints of social and civil 
life. We must allow for the utter recklessness and frenzy of their full in- 
dulgence under the fervors of hot climes, in the loosening of all domestic 
and neighborly obligations, in the homelessness of exile and the mad free- 
dom of adventure. Under the fretting discomforts and restraints of the 
ocean-passage hither, the imagination of these rapacious treasure-seekers 
fed itself on visions of wild license of arbitrary power over simple victims, 
and of heaps of treasure to be soon carried back to Spain to make a long 
revel in self-indulgence for the rest of life. 

** Cruelties " was the comprehensive term under which Las Casas gathered 
all the enormities and barbarities, of which he was a witness for half a cen- 
tury, as perpetrated on the successive scenes invaded by his countrymen 
on the islands and the main of the New World. He had seen thousands 
of the natives crowded together, naked and helpless, for slaughter, like 
sheep in a park or meadow. He had seen them wasted at the extremities 
by torturing fires, till, after hours of agony, they turned their dying gaze, 
rather in amazed dread than in rage, upon their tormentors. Mutilations 
of hands, feet, ears, and noses surrounded him with ghastly spectacles of 
all the processes of death without disease. One may well leave all details 
to the imagination ; and may do this all the more willingly that even the 
imagination will fail to fill and fashion the reality of the horror. 

Previous to the successful ventures on the western ocean, the Portuguese 
had been resolutely pursuing the work of discovery by pushing their dar- 
ing enterprise farther and farther down the coast of Africa, till they at last 
turned the Cape.^ The deportation of the natives and their sale as slaves 
at once became first an incidental reward, and then the leading aim of 
craving adventurers. It was but natural that the Spaniards should turn 
their success in other regions to the same account. Heathen lands and 
heathen people belonged by Papal donation to the soldiers of the Cross ; 
they were the heritage of the Church. The plea of conversion answered 
equally for conquest and subjugation of the natives on their own soil, 
and for transporting them to the scenes and sharers of a pure and saving 
faith. 

1 [See Chapter I.— Ed.] 



t 



1 



K LAS CASAS, AND THE SPANIARDS AND INDIANS. 303 

A brief summary of the acts and incidents in the first enslavement of 
the natives may here be set down. Columbus took with him to Spain, 

I on his first return, nine natives. While on his second voyage he sent to 

Spain, in January, I494t by a return vessel, a considerable number, de- 
scribed as Caribs, ** from the Cannibal Islands," for " slaves.'* They were 
to be taught Castilian, to serve as interpreters for the work of " conversion" 
when restored to their native shores. Columbus pleads that it will benefit 
them by the saving of their souls, while the capture and enslaving of them 
will give the Spaniards consequence as evidence of power. Was this even 
a plausible excuse, and were the victims really cannibals? The sovereigns 
seemed to approve the act, but intimated that the ** cannibals " might be 
converted at home, without the trouble of transportation. But Columbus 
enlarged and generalized sweepingly upon his scheme, afterward adding to 
it a secular advantage, suggesting that as many as possible of these canni- 

1 bals should be caught for the sake of their souls, and then sold in Spain in 

k payment for cargoes of live stock, provisions, and goods, which were much 

needed in the islands. The monarchs for a while suspended their decision 

of this matter. But the abominable traffic was steadily catching new agents 

^ and victims, and the slave-trade became a leading motive for advancing the 

i rage for further discoveries. The Portuguese were driving the work east- 

ward, while the Spaniards were keenly following it westward. In February, 
1495, Columbus sent back four ships, whose chief lading was slaves. From 

Vthat time began the horrors attending the crowding of human cargoes with 
scant food and water, with filth and disease, and the daily throwing over 
into the sea those who were privileged to die. Yet more victims were taken 
by Columbus when he was again in Spain in June, 1496, to circumvent his 
enemies. Being here again in 1498, he had no positive prohibition against 
continuing the traffic. A distinction was soon recognized, and allowed even 
by the humane and pious Isabella. Captives taken in war against the Span- 
f iards might be brought to Spain and kept in slavery ; but natives who had 

been seized for the purpose of enslaving them, she indignantly ordered 

should be restored to freedom. This wrong, as well as that of the reparti- 

miento system, in the distribution of natives to Spanish masters as laborers, 

I was slightly held in check by this lovable lady during her life. She died 

i while Columbus was in Spain, Nov. 26, 1504. Columbus died at Valladolid, 

May 20, 1506. The ill that he had done lived after him, to qualify the 
splendor of his nobleness, grandeur, and constancy. 

And here we may bring upon the scene that one, the only Spaniard 
who stands out luminously, in the heroism and glory of true sanctity, amid 
these gory scenes, himself a true soldier of Christ. 

Bartholomew Las Casas was born at Seville in 1474. Llorente — a faith- 
ful biographer, and able editor and expositor of his writings, of whom 
farther on we are to say much more — asserts that the family was French 
in its origin, the true name being Casuas ; which appears, indeed, as an 



X 



304 



NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 



alias on the titlepage of some of his writings published by the apostle in 
his lifetime.^ 

Antoine Las Casas, the father of Bartholomew, was a soldier in the 
marine service of Spain. We find no reference to him as being either in 
sympathy or otherwise with the absorbing aim which ennobled the career 
of his son. He accompanied Columbus on his first western voyage in 
1492, and returned with him to Spain in 1493. 

During the absence of the father on this voyage the son, at the age of 
eighteen, was completing his studies at Salamanca. In May, 1498,^ at the 
age of about twenty-four, he went to the Indies with his father, in employ- 
ment under Columbus, and returned to Cadiz, Nov. 25, 1500. In an ad- 
dress to the Emperor in 1542, Bartholomew reminded him that Columbus 
had given liberty to each of several of his fellow-voyagers to take to Spain 
a single native of the islands for personal service, and that a youth among 
those so transported had been intrusted to him. Perhaps under these 
favoring circumstances this was the occasion of first engaging the sym- 
pathies of Las Casas for the race to whose redemption 'he was to conse- 
crate his life. Isabella, however, was highly indignant at this outrage upon 
the natives, and under pain of death to the culprits ordered the victims to 
be restored to their country. It would seem that they were all carried 
back in 1500 under the Commander Bobadilla, and among them the young 
Indian who had been in the service of Bartholomew. One loves to imagine 
that in some of the wide wanderings of the latter, amid the scenes of the 
New World, he may again have met with this first specimen of a heathen 
race who had been under intimate relations with himself, and who had 
undoubtedly been baptized. 

We shall find farther on that the grievous charge was brought against 
Las Casas, when he had drawn upon himself bitter animosities, that he 
was the first to propose the transportation of negro slaves to the islands, in 
1 5 1 7. It is enough to say here, in anticipation, that Governor Ovando, in 
1500, received permission to carry thither negro slaves "who had been 
born under Christian Powers." The first so carried were born in Seville 



^ Uorente adds that he had a personal ac- 
quaintance with a branch of the family at Cala- 
hoira, his own birthplace, and that the first of 
the family went to Spain, under Ferdinand III., 
to fight against the Moors of Andalusia. He 
also traces a connection between this soldier 
and Las Cases, the chamberlain of Napoleon, 
one of his councillors and companions at St. 
Helena, through a Charles Las Casas, one 
of the Spanish seigneurs who accompanied 
Blanche of Castile when she went to France, 
in 1200, to espouse Louis VIII. 

^ There is a variance in the dates assigned 
by historians for the visits of both Las Casas 
and his father to the Indians. Irving, follow- 
ing Navarrete, says that Antoine returned to Se- 



ville in 1498, having become rich {Columbus 
iii. 415). He also says that Llorente is in- 
correct in asserting that Bartholomew in his 
twenty-fourth year accompanied Columbus in 
his third voyage, in 1498, returning with him 
in 1500, as the young man was then at his 
studies at Salamanca. Irving says Bartholo- 
mew first went to Hispaniola with Ovando in 
1 502, at the age of about twenty-eight. I have 
allowed the dates to stand in the text as given 
by Llorente, assigning the earlier year for the 
first voyage of Las Casas to the New World 
as best according with the references in writ- 
ings by his own pen to the period of his 
acquaintance with the scenes which he de* 
scribes. 



LAS CASAS, AND THE SPANIARDS AND INDIANS. 305 

of parents brought from Africa, and obtained through the Portuguese 
traffickers. 

On May 9, 1502, Las Casas embarked for the second time with Columbus, 
reaching San Domingo on June 29. In 15 10 he was ordained priest by the 
first Bishop of Hispaniola, and was the first ecclesiastic ordained in the 
so-called Indies to say there his virgin Mass. This was regarded as a 
great occasion, apd was attended by crowds ; though a story is told, hardly 
credible, that there was then not a drop of wine to be obtained in the 
colony. The first Dominican monks, under their Bishop, Cordova, reached 
the islands in 1510. As we shall find, the Dominicans were from the first, 
and always, firm friends, approvers, and helpers of Las Casas in his hard 
conflict for asserting the rights of humanity for the outraged natives. The 
fact presents us with one of the strange anomalies in history, — that the 
founders and prime agents of the Inquisition in Europe should be the 
champions of the heathen in the New World. 

The monks in sympathy with the ardent zeal of Las Casas began to 
preach vehemently against the atrocious wrongs which were inflicted upon 
the wretched natives, and he was sent as curate to a village in Cuba. The 
Franciscans, who had preceded the Dominicans, had since 1502 effected 
nothing in opposition to these wrongs. Utterly futile were the orders 
which came continually from the monarchs against overworking and op- 
pressing the natives, as their delicate constitutions, unused to bodily toil, 
easily sank under its exactions. The injunctions against enslaving them 
were positive. Exception was made only in the case of the Caribs, as 
reputed cannibals, and the then increasing number of imported negro 
slaves, who were supposed to be better capable of hard endurance. Las 
Casis was a witness and a most keen and sensitive obser\'cr of the inflictions 
— lashings and other torturing atrocities — by which his fellow-countrymen, 
as if goaded by a demoniac spirit, treated these simple and quailing chil- 
dren of Nature, as if they were organized without sensitiveness of nerve, 
fibre, or understanding, requiring of them tasks utterly beyond their 
strength, bending them to the earth with crushing burdens, harnessing them 
to loads which they could not drag, and with fiendish sport and malice 
hacking off their hands and feet, and mutilating their bodies in ways which 
will not bear a description. It was when he accompanied the expedition 
under Velasquez for the occupation of Cuba, that he first drew the most 
jealous and antagonistic opposition and animosity upon himself, as stand- 
ing between the natives and his own countrymen, who in their sordidness. 
rapacity, and cruelty seemed to have extinguished in themselves every 
instinct of humanity and every sentiment of religion. Here too was first 
brought into marked observation his wonderful power over the natives 
in winning their confidence and attachment, as they were ever after docile 
under his advice, and learned to look to him as their true friend. We 
pause to contemplate this wonderful and most engaging character, as, after 
filling his eye and thought with the shocking scenes in which his country- 

VOL. II. — 39. 



306 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 

men — in name the disciples of Jesus and loyal members of his Church — 
perpetrated such enormities against beings in their own likeness, he began 
his incessant tracking of the ocean pathways in his voyages to lay his 
remonstrances and appeals before successive monarchs. Beginning this 
service in his earliest manhood, he was to labor in it with unabated zeal 
till his death, with unimpaired faculties, at the age of ninety-two. He calls 
himself " the Clerigo." He was soon to win and worthily to bear the title 
of ** Universal Protector of the Indians." Truly was he a remarkable and 
conspicuous personage, — unique, as rather the anomaly than the product 
of his age and land, his race and fellowship. His character impresses us 
alike by its loveliness and its ruggedness, its tenderness and its vigor, its 
melting sympathy and its robust energies. His mental and moral endow- 
ments were of the strongest and the richest, and his spiritual insight and 
fervor well-nigh etherealized him. His gifts and abilities gave him a rich 
versatility in capacity and resource. He was immensely in advance of his 
age, so as to be actually in antagonism with it. He was free alike from its 
prejudices, its limitations, and many of its superstitions, as well as from its 
barbarities. He was single-hearted, courageous, fervent, and persistent, 
bold and daring as a venturesome voyager over new seas and mysterious 
depths of virgin wildernesses, missionary, scholar, theologian, acute logician, 
historian, curious observer of Nature, the peer of Saint Paul in wisdom and 
zeal. Charles V. coming to the throne at the age of sixteen, when Las Casas 
was about forty, was at once won to him by profound respect and strong 
attachment, as had been the case with Charles's grandfather Ferdinand, 
whom Las Casas survived fifty years, while he outlived Columbus sixty 
years. 

The Clerigo found his remonstrances and appeals to his own nominally 
Christian fellow-countrymen wholly ineffectual in restraining or even miti- 
gating the oppressions and cruelties inflicted upon the wretched natives. 
There was something phenomenal, as has been said, in the license vielded 
to the ingenuity of Spanish barbarity. It combined all the devices of in- 
quisitorial torturing with the indulgence of the bestial ferocities of the bull- 
fight. At times it seemed as if the heartless oppressors were seeking only 
for a brutal mirth in inventing games in which their victims should writhe 
and yell as for their amusement. Then, as opportunity suggested or served, 
a scheme of the most cunning treachery and malice would turn an occasion 
of revelry or feasting, to which the natives had been invited or been be- 
guiled by their tormentors, into a riot of fury and massacre. The utter 
aimlessness and recklessness of most of these horrid enormities impress 
the reader in these days as simply the indulgence of a wanton spirit 
in giving free license in human passions to those mocking employments 
of grinning devils in the old church paintings as they inflict retributions 
on the damned spirits in hell. The forked weapons, the raging flames, 
and the hideous demoniac delights exhibited in paintings, with which the 
eyes of the Spaniards were so familiar, found their all-too-faithful counter- 



LAS CASAS, AND THE SPANIARDS AND INDIANS. 307 

parts in the tropical zones and valleys of our virgin islands. The only 
pretences offered, not for justifying but for inflicting such wanton barbar- 
ities on the natives, were such as these, — that they refused to make known 
or to guide their oppressors to rich mines, or to work beyond their powers 
of endurance, or to bear intolerable burdens, or to furnish food which they 
had not to give. Touching and harrowing it is to read of many instances 
in which the simple diplomacy of the natives prompted them to neglect the 
little labor of husbandry required to supply their own wants, in order that 
the invaders might with themselves be brought to starvation. Whenever 
the Clerigo accompanied a body of Spaniards on the way to an Indian 
village, he always made an effort to keep the two people apart by night 
and by day, and he employed himself busily in baptizing infants and little 
children. He could never be too quick in this service, as these subjects of 
his zeal were the victims of the indiscriminate slaughter. The only con- 
solation which this tender-hearted yet heroic missionary could find, as his 
share in the enterprise of his people, was in keeping the reckoning on his 
tablets of the number of those born under the common heathen doom 
whom he had snatched, by a holy drop, from the jaws of hell. 

Baffled in all his nearly solitary endeavors to check the direful havoc 
and wreck of poor humanity on the scenes which were made so gory and 
hateful. Las Casas returned again to Spain in 1515, buoyed by resolve and 
hope that his dark revelations and bo4d remonstrances would draw forth 
something more effective from the sovereign. He was privileged by free 
and sympathizing interviews with Ferdinand at Placentia. But any hope 
of success here was soon crushed by the monarch's death. Las Casas was 
intending to go at once to Flanders to plead with the new King, Charles I., 
afterward Emperor, but was delayed by sympathetic friends found in Car- 
dinal Ximenes and Adrian, the Regents. 

It may seem strange and unaccountable that Las Casas should have 
encountered near the Court of a benignant sovereign a most malignant 
opposition to all his endeavors from first to last in securing the simply humane 
objects of his mission. But in fact he was withstood as resolutely at home 
as abroad, and often by a more wily and calculating policy. He found 
enemies and effective thwarters of his influence and advice in the order of 
the Jeronymites. Of the grounds and methods of their harmful activity, 
as well as of some of the more ostensible and plausible of the motives and 
alleged reasons which made him personal enemies both in Spain and in the 
Indies, we must speak with some detail farther on. It may be well here 
to follow him summarily in his frequent alternation between his missionary 
fields and his homeward voyages, to ply his invigorated zeal with new and 
intenser earnestness from his fuller experiences of the woes and outrages 
which he sought to redress. With some, though insufllicient, assurances 
of regal authority in support of his cause, he re-embarked for the Indies, 
Nov. II, 1516, and reached Hispaniola in December, fortified with the per- 
sonal title of the " Universal Protector of the Indians." He sailed again 



308 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 

for Spain, May 7, 1 51 7. His plainness of speech had in the interval in- 
creased the animosity and the efforts to thwart him of the local authorities 
on the islands, and had even induced coldness and lack of aid among his 
Dominican friends. He had many public and private hearings in Spain, 
stirring up against himself various plottings and new enemies. In each of 
these homeward visits Las Casas of course brought with him revelations 
and specific details of new accumulations of iniquity against the natives; 
and with a better understanding of himself, and also of all the intrigues and 
interests warring against him, his honest soul assured him that he must at 
last win some triumph in his most righteous cause. So he heaped the 
charges and multiplied the disclosures which gave such vehemence and 
eloquence to his pleadings. Having during each of his home visits met 
some form of misrepresentation or falsehood, he would re-embark, furnished 
as he hoped with some new agency and authority against the evil-doers. 
But his enemies were as ingenious and as active as himself. Perhaps the 
same vessel or fleet which carried him to the islands, with orders intended 
to advance his influence, would bear fellow-passengers with documents or 
means to thwart all his reinforced mission. He left Spain again in 1520, 
only to cast himself on a new sea of troubles soon inducing him to return. 
His sixth voyage carried him this time to the mainland in Mexico, in 1537. 
He was in Spain once more in 1539. While waiting here for the return of 
the Emperor, he composed six of his many essays upon his one unchan- 
ging theme, all glowing with his righteous indignation, and proffering wise 
and plain advice to the monarch. Yet again he crossed the now familiar 
ocean to America, in 1544, it being his seventh western voyage, and returned 
for the seventh and last time to Spain in 1 547. Here were fourteen sea- 
voyages, with their perils, privations, and lack of the common appliances and 
comforts shared in these days by the rudest mariners. These voyages 
were interspersed by countless trips and ventures amid the western islands 
and the main, involving twofold, and a larger variety of harassments and 
risks, with quakings, hurricanes, and reefs, exposures in open skiffs, and the 
privilege of making one's own charts. But one year short of fifty in the 
count out of his lengthened life were spent by this man of noble ardor, of 
dauntless soul, and of loving heart in a cause which never brought to him 
the joy of an accomplished aim. 

Las Casas shared, with a few other men of the mo$t fervent and self- 
sacrificing religious zeal, an experience of the deepest inward conviction, 
following upon, not originally prompting to, the full consecration of his 
life to his devoutest aim. Though he had been ordained to the priesthood 
in 1 5 10, he was afterward made to realize that he had not then been the 
subject of that profound experience known in the formulas of piety as true 
conversion. He dates this personal experience, carrying him to a deeper 
devotional consciousness than he had previously realized, to the influence 
over him of a faithful lay friend, Pedro de la Renteria, with whom he be- 
came intimate in 15 14. To the devout conversation, advice, and example 



LAS CASAS, AND THE SPANIARDS AND INDIANS. 309 

of this intimate companion • he ascribed his better-informed apprehension 
of the radical influences which wrought out the whole system of wrong 
inflicted upon the natives. Las Casas himself, like all the other Spaniards, 
had a company of Indian servants, who were in eff"ect slaves ; and he put 
them to work, the benefit of which accrued to himself. A form of servitude 
which exceeded all the conditions of plantation slavery had been instituted 
by Columbus under the system of so-called repartimientos. It was founded 
on the assumption that the Spanish monarch had an absolute proprietary 
right over the natives, and could make disposals and allotments of their scr 
vices to his Christian subjects, the numbers being proportioned to the rank, 
standing, and means of individuals, the meanest Spaniard being entitled 
to share in the distribution of these servitors. This allowance made over 
to men of the lowest grade of intelligence, character, and humanity, the 
absolute and irresponsible power over the life and death of the natives 
intrusted to the disposal of masters. Under it were perpetrated cruelties 
against which there were no availing remonstrances, and for which there 
was no redress. The domestic cattle of civilized men are to be envied 
above the human beings who were held under the system of reparti- 
inientos, — tasked, scourged, tormented, and hunted with bloodhounds, if 
they sank under toils and inflictions beyond their delicate constitutions, 
or sougflt refuge in flight. 

The slavery which afterward existed in the British Colonies and in these 
United States had scarce a feature in common with that w^hich originated 
with the Spanish invaders. Las Casas thinks that Ferdinand lived and 
died without having had anything like a full apprehension of the enormities 
of the system. This, however, was not because efibrts were lacking to 
inform him of these enormities, or to engage his sovereign intervention to 
modify and restrain, if not positively to prohibit, them. As we shall see, the 
system was so rooted in the greed and rapacity of the first adventurers here, 
who were goaded by passion for power and wealth, that foreign authority 
was thwarted in every attempt to overrule it. The most favored advisers of 
Ferdinand endeavored at first to keep him in ignorance of the system, and 
then, as he obtained partial information about it, to lead him to believe that 
it was vitally indispensable to conversion, to colonization, and to remunera- 
tive trade. The Dominican missionaries had, as early as 1501, informed 
the monarch of the savage cruelties which the system imposed. All that 
they effected was to induce Ferdinand to refer the matter to a council of 
jurists and theologians. Some of these were even alleged to have personal 
interests in the system of repartimientos ; but at any rate they were under 
the influence and sway of its most selfish supporters. As the result of their 
conference, they persuaded the monarch that the system was absolutely 
necessary, — as, first, the Spaniards themselves were incapable of bodily labor 
under a debilitating climate; and second, that the close and dependent 
relation under which the natives were thus brought to their masters could 
alone insure the possibility of their conversion to the true faith. Ferdinand 



3IO NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 

was so far won over to the allowance of the wrong as to issue an ordinance 
in its favor; while he sought to limit, restrain, and qualify it by injunctions 
which, of course, were futile in their dictation, for operating at a distance, 
in islands where sordid personal interests were all on the side of a defiance 
of them. 

The Clerigo affirms that his own conscience was more startlingly aroused 
to a full sense of the wrongs and iniquities of the system of the repartimi- 
cntos by his religious friend Renteria. He had previously, of course, so 
far as he was himself made the master or guardian in this relation of any 
number of the natives, brought his humanity and his ardor for justice into 
full exercise. But he was quickened by his friend to the duty of private 
and also of bold public protest against the system, and most plainly to 
offenders in proportion to the number of the victims which they enthralled 
and to the cruelty inflicted upon them. It was not his wont to allow any 
timidity or personal regards or temporizing calculations to compel his 
silence or to moderate his rebukes. His infirmity rather led him to ex- 
cess in impatience and passion in his remonstrances. His bold and de- 
nunciatory preaching — though it appears that in this, and, as wc shall 
note, on other occasions of speech and writing, he restrained himself from 
using the name of conspicuous offenders — caused an intense consterna- 
tion and excitement. His clerical character barely saved him from per- 
sonal violence. He found his hearers obdurate, and utterly beyond the 
sway of his protests and appeals. Again, therefore, he turned his face 
toward Spain, sustained by the fond assurance that he could so engage 
the King's intervention by his disclosures and rehearsals, that the royal 
authority should at this time be effectually exerted against a giant iniquity. 
This was his homeward errand in 1515. That even his presence and speech 
had had some restraining influence in Cuba, is signified by the fact that 
after his withdrawal and during his absence all the wrongs and miseries of 
which the natives, wholly impotent to resist, were the victims, ran into 
wilder license. The Spaniards kept bloodhounds in training and in hun- 
ger, to scour the woods and thickets and wilderness depths for the despair- 
ing fugitives. Whole families of the natives took refuge in voluntary and 
preferred self-destruction. 

Two Dominicans of like mind with Las Casas accompanied him on his 
errand. Pedro de Cordova, prelate of the Dominicans, was his stanch 
friend. The Clerigo reached Seville in the autumn of 15 15, and at once 
addressed himself to Ferdinand. He found the monarch old and ailing. 
The most able and malignant opponent with whose support, enlisted 
upon the side of the wrong and of the wrongdoers. Las Casas had to con- 
tend, was the Bishop of Burgos, Fonseca, whose influence had sway in the 

Council for the Indies.^ After the King's death, Jan. 23, 15 16, Las Casas 

» 

^ The administration of affairs in the Western and jurists, called "The Council for the In- 
colonies of Spain was committed by Ferdinand, dies." Its powers originally conferred by Ferdi- 
in 1 51 1, to a body composed chiefly of clergy nand were afterward greatly enlarged by Charles 



LAS CASAS, AND THE SPANIARDS AND INDIANS. 



311 



enjoyed the countenance, and had hope of the effectual aid, of the two Re- 
gents, previously mentioned, during the minority of Charles, the heir to 
the throne. The earnestness and persistency of the Clerigo so far availed 
as to obtain for him instructions to be carried to those in authority in the 
islands for qualifying the repartimiento system, and with penalties for the 
oppressions under it. Some Jeronymites were selected to accompany him 
on his return, as if to reinforce the objects of his mission, and to insure the 
efficacy of the title conferred upon him as the *' Protector of the Indian^." 
The Jeronymites, however, had been corrupted by the cunning and in- 
trigues of the wily and exasperated enemies of Las Casas, who effected 
in secrecy what they could not or dared not attempt publicly against the 
courageous Clerigo and his purposes backed by authority. Already alien- 
ated during the voyage, they reached San Domingo in December, 1 5 16. 
Perhaps candor may induce the suggestion that while the Jeronymites, from 
motives of prudence, temporized and qualified their activity in their errand, 
"Las Casas was heady and unforbearing in his uncompromising demand for 
instant redress of wrong. At any rate he was wholly foiled in the exercise 
of his delegated authority ; and so, with a fire in his blood which allowed 
no peace to his spirit, he was again in Spain in July, 15 17. Here he found 
Cardinal Ximenes, his friendly patron, near to death. He was, however, 
encouraged with the hope and promise of patronage from high quarters. 
For a season his cause presented a favorable aspect. He had become 
sadly assured that upon the Spaniards in the islands, whose hearts and 
consciences were smothered by their greed and inhumanity, no influence, 
not even that of ghostly terrorism, which was tried in the refusal of the 
sacraments, would be of the least avail. His only resource was to engage 
what force there might be in the piety and humanity of the Church at 



V. These powers were full and supreme, and any 
information, petition, appeal, or matter of busi- 
ness concerning the Indies, though it had been 
first brought before the monarch, was referred 
by him for adjudication to the Council. This 
body had an almost absolute sway alike in mat- 
ters civil and ecclesiastical, with supreme author- 
ity over all appointments and all concerns of 
government and trade. It was therefore in the 
power of the Council to overrule or qualify in 
many ways the will or purpose or measures of 
the sovereigns, which were really in favor of 
right or justice or humane proceedings in the 
affairs of the colonies. For it naturally came 
about that some of its members were personally 
and selfishly interested in the abuses and iniqui- 
ties which it was their rightful function and their 
duty to withstand. At the head of the Council 
was a dignitary whose well-known character 
and qualities were utterly unfavorable for the 
rightful discharge of his high trust. This was 
Juan Rodriguez de Fonseca, successively Bishop 
of Badajoz. Valencia, and Burgos, and consti- 



tuted " Patriarch of the Indies." He had full 
control of colonial affairs for thirty years, till 
near his death in 1547. He bore the repute 
among his associates of extreme worldliness and 
ambition, with none of the graces and virtues 
becoming the priestly office, the duties of which 
engaged but little of his time or regard. It is 
evident also that he was of an unscrupulous 
and malignant disposition. He was inimical to 
Columbus and Cortes from the start. He tried 
to hinder, and succeeded in delaying and embar- 
rassing, the second westward voyage of the great 
admiral. (Irving's Columbus^ iii. ; Appendix 
XXXIV.) He was a bitter opponent of Las 
Casas, even resorting to taunting insults of the 
apostle, and either openly or crookedly thwart- 
ing him in every stage and effort of his patient 
importunities to secure the intervention of the 
sovereigns in the protection of the natives. 
The explanation of this enmity is found in the 
fact that Fonseca himself was the owner of a 
repartimiento in Hispaniola, with a large num- 
ber of native slaves. 



312 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 

home, in the sense of justice among high civil dignitaries, and in such 
sympathetic aid ste he might draw from his countrymen who had no in- 
terest in the mining or the commerce sustained by the impositions upon 
the nativ^es. The young King had wise councillors, and they made with 
him some good plans for means of relieving the natives from severities 
in their tasks of labor, from cruel inflictions in working the mines, and from 
exorbitant taxes exacting of them produce and commodities enormously 
exceeding their possible resources, however willing they might be in yield- 
ing. It was at this time and under its emergency, that Las Casas unfor- 
tunately gave something more than his assent, even his countenance and 
advice, to a proposition the effect of which was to root in pure and free 
soil an enormity whose harvesting and increase were a sum of woes. He 
certainly did advise that each Spaniard, resident in Hispaniola, should 
be allowed to import a dozen negro slaves. He did this, as he afterward 
affirmed and confessed, under the lure of a deep mist and delusion. 
So painful was the remorse which he then experienced for his folly and 
error, that he avows that he would part with all he had in the world to 
redress it. He says that when he gave this advice he had not at all been 
aware of the outrages perpetrated by the Portuguese dealers in entrapping 
these wretched Africans. Besides this, he had been promised by the col- 
onists that if they might be allowed to have negroes, whose constitutions 
were stronger for endurance, they would give up the feeble natives. We 
may therefore acquit Las Casas in his confessed sin of ignorance and will- 
ing compromise in an alternative of wrongs. But he is wholly guiltless of 
a charge which has been brought against him, founded upon this admitted 
error, of having been the first to propose and to secure the introduction of 
African slavery into the New World. As h^s already been said, the wrong 
had been perpetrated many years before Las Casas had any agency in it 
by deed or word. While the young King was still in Flanders negro slaves 
had been sent by his permission to Hispaniola. The number was limited 
to a thousand for each of the four principal islands. As there was a mo- 
nopoly set up in the sale of these doleful victims, the price of them was 
speedily and greatly enhanced.' 

Las Casas devised and initiated a scheme for the emigration of laboring 
men from Spain. Thwarted in this purpose, he formed a plan for a colony 
where restrictions were to be cnforcerl to guard against the worst abuses. 
Fifty Spaniards, intended Vj be carefully selected with regard to character 
and habits, and distinguished by ;i Hemi-clerical garb and mode of life, 
were his next device foi introducing^ home more tolerable conditions of 

^ There is an cxfm'k'l V'yt/r '/?* 1^* '.*fta* wfrtti^ \trt:'Afm% to any word on the subject 

in Appendix XXVIIf, '/f Uvity'ii f'^lumhui. \i'iu% \/a% i'.A%A%. The devoted missionary had 

That author most r-ff'ctiv-sv *i\iA.'^^f^ t/** J/^'^n l/rou^rht to a'oijj«e«»rc if) the measure on 

Casas from havin;^ firtt aA.-.^A AtA ^/^*u hm tK" i/U'iftif/l*- plra «tfa»»d in the text, acting from 

strumcntal in the intr'yJ'i'.tiofi '4 Mtl*.4U *^av- t\i*: ^.ttf** ft|»ir»» of hfrnrvoh-nrcr, though under 

ery in the New World, uy^'iu'/^ ti*^. 'Ui^t AfA ai* *Wfit»^'t>n \tii\'^mfu\. (.ardinal Ximcnes had 

the advisers and aj'^rnt* (tmu«:'.%fA "^Mt tU^t if/th *U*^ ^f«t 'i\i\tfr^j\ \\\n project. 



LAS CASAS, AND THE SPANIARDS AND INDIANS. 313 

work and thrift in the islands. Ridicule was brought to bear, with all sorts 
of intrigues and tricks, to baffle this scheme. But the Clerigo persevered 
in meeting all the obstructions thrown in his way, and sailed for San Do- 
mingo in July, 1520. He established his little Utopian colony at Cumana; 
but misadventures befel it, and ifr came to a melancholy end. It seemed 
for a season as if the tried and patient Clerigo was at last driven to com- 
plete disheartenment. Wearied and exhausted, he took refuge in a Domi- 
nican convent in San Domingo, receiving the tonsure in 1522. Here he 
was in retirement for eight years, occupying himself in studying and WTit- 
ing, of which we have many results. During this interval the work of de- 
population and devastation was ruinously advancing under Cortes, Alvarado, 
and Pizarro, in Mexico, Guatemala, and Peru. There is some uncertainty 
about an alleged presence of Las Casas at the Court in Spain in 1530. 
But he was in Mexico in 1531, in Nicaragua in 1534, and in Spain again 
in 1539, in behalf of a promising work undertaken in Tuzulutlan, from 
which all lay Spaniards were to be excluded. Having accomplished, as 
he hoped, the object of his visit, he would have returned at once to the 
American main ; but was detained by the Council of the Indies as the per- 
son best able and most trustworthy to give them certain information which 
they desired. It was at this period that he wrote his remarkable work, 
The Destruction of the Indies. This bold and daring product of his pen 
and of the righteous indignation which had heretofore found expression 
from his eloquent and fervid speech, will soon be examined in detail. It 
may be said now that this work, afterward so widely circulated and trans- 
lated into all the languages of Europe, — perhaps with some reductions 
from the original, — was not at first allowed to be published, but was sub- 
mitted to the Emperor and hi» ministers. As the shocking revelations 
made in this book state in round numbers the victims of the Spaniards in 
different places, it is at once observable that there are over-statements and 
exaggerations. This, however, applies only to the numbers, not at all to the 
acts of barbarity and iniquity. ^ The book was published twelve years after 
it was written, and was dedicated to Philip, the heir to the throne. 

* As will appear farther on in these pages, In the second of his admirable works he 

Las Casas stands justly chargeable with enor- refers as follows to this stricture upon him: 

mous exaggerations of the number or estimate of "To American and English readers, acknowl- 

the victims of Spanish cruelty. But I have not edging so different a moral standard from that 

met with a single case in any contemporary of the sixteenth century, I may possibly be 

writer, nor in the challengers and opponents thought too indulgent to the errors of the Con- 

of his pleadings at the Court of Spain, in which querors ;" and he urges that while he has " not 

his hideous portrayal of the forms and methods hesitated to expose in their strongest colors 

of that cruelty, its dreadful and revolting tor- the excesses of the Conquerors, I have given 

turcs and mutilations, have been brought under them the benefit of such mitigating reflections 

question. Mr. Prescott's fascinating volumes as might be suggested by the circumstances 

have been often and sometimes very sharply and the period in which they lived'* (Preface 

censured, because in the glow of romance, chi- to the Conquest 0/ Mexico). 

valric daring, and heroic adventure in which It is true that scattered over all the ably- 

he sets the achievements of the Spanish " Con- wrought pages of Mr. Prescott's volumes are 

querors" of the New World he would seem expressions of the sternest judgment and the 

to be somewhat lenient to their barbarities most indignant condemnation passed upon the 

VOL. II. — 40. 



314 



NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 



It may be as well here to complete the summary of the career of Las 
Casas. While detained by the Council he was engaged in the advice and 
oversight of a new code of laws for the government of the colonies and 
the colonists. Up to this time he had crossed the ocean to the islands 
or the main twelve times, and had jour-neyed to Germany four times to 
confer with the Emperor. He was offered the bishopric of Cusco, in To- 
ledo, but was not thus to be withdrawn from his foreign mission. In order, 
however, to secure authority to enforce the new laws, he accepted the for- 
eign bishopric of Chiapa, was consecrated at Seville in 1544, embarked 
on July 4, with forty-four monks, and arrived at Hispaniola. He bore the 
aversion and hate which his presence everywhere provoked, was faithful to 
the monastic habits, and though so abstemious as to deny himself meat, he 
kept the vigor of his body. He resolutely forbade absolution to be given 
to Spaniards holding slaves contrary to the provisions of the new laws. 
Resigning his bishopric, he returned to Spain for the last time in 1547, — 
engaging in his bold controversy with Sepulveda, to be soon rehearsed. 
He resided chiefly in the Dominican College at Valladolid. In 1564, in 
his ninetieth year, he wrote a work on Peru. On a visit to Madrid in the 
service of the Indians, after a short illness, he died in July, 1566, at the age 
of ninety-two, and was buried in the convent of ** Our Lady of Atocha." 



The most resolute and effective opponents which Las Casas found at the 
Spanish Court were Oviedo and Sepulveda, representatives of two different 
classes of those who from different motives and by different methods stood 
between him and the King. Oviedo had held high offices under Govern- 
ment both in Spain and in various places in the New World. He wrote 
a history of the Indies, which Las Casas s^id was as full of lies almost as 
of pages. He also had large interests in the mines and in the enslaving 
of the natives. Sepulveda ^ was distinguished as a scholar and an author. 



most signal enormities of these incarnate spoilers, 
who made a sport of their barbarity. But those 
who have most severely censured the author 
upon the matter now in view have done so under 
the conviction that cruelty unprovoked and un- 
relieved was so awfully dark and prevailing a 
feature in every stage and incident of the Span- 
ish advance in America, that no glamour of 
adventure or chivalric deeds can in the least 
lighten or redeem it. The underlying ground 
of variance is in the objection to the use of the 
terms ** Conquest " and " Conquerors, " as bur- 
dened with the relation of such a pitiful strug- 
gle between the overmastering power of the 
invaders and the abject helplessness of their 
victims. 

As I am writing this note, my eye falls upon 
the following extract from a private letter writ- 
ten in 1847 by that eminent and highly revered 
divine, Dr. Orville Dewey, and just now put 
into print : " I have been reading Prescott's 



Peru. What a fine accomplishment there is 
about it I And yet there is something wanting to 
me in the moral nerve. History should teach 
men how to estimate characters ; it should be 
a teacher of morals ; and I think it should 
make us shudder at the names of Cortez and 
Pizarro. But Prescott does not ; he seems to 
have a kind of sympathy with these inhuman 
and perfidious adventurers, as if they were his 
heroes. It is too bad to talk of them as the 
soldiers of Christ; if it were said of the Devil, 
they would have better fitted the character" 
(Autobiography and Letters of Orville Dewey ^ D.D. 
p. 190). 

1 Juan Ginez de Sepulveda, distinguished 
both as a theologian and an historian, was born 
near Cordova in 1490, and died in 1573. He 
was of a noble but impoverished family. He 
availed himself of his opportunities for obtain- 
ing the best education of his time in the uni- 
versities of Spain and Italy, and acquired an 



LAS CASAS, AND THE SPANIARDS AND INDIANS. ^315 

Las Casas charges 'that his pen and influence were engaged in the interest 
of parties who had committed some of the greatest ravages, and who had 
personal advantages at stake. Sepulveda in his opposition to the Clerigo 
makes two points or "Conclusions," — i. That the Spaniards had a right 
to subjugate and require the submission of the Indians, because of their 
superior wisdom and prudence ; and that, therefore, the Indians were bound 
to submit and acquiesce. 2. That in case of their refusal to do so they 
might justly be constrained by force of arms. It was the proceeding on 
these assumptions that, as Las Casas pleaded, had led to the entire de- 
population of vast territories. With high professions of loyalty Sepul- 
veda urged that his motive in writing was simply to justify the absolute 
title of the King of Spain to the Indies. In offering his book to the Royal 
Council he importunately solicited its publication ; and as this was repeat- 
edly refused, he engaged the urgency of his friends to bring it about. Las 
Casas, well knowing what mischief it would work, strongly opposed the 
publication. The Council, regarding the matter as purely theological, 
referred Sepulveda's treatise for a thorough examination to the universi- 
ties of Salamanca and Alcala. They pronounced it unsound in doctrine 
and unfit to be printed. Sepulveda then secretly sent it to Rome, and 
through his friend, the Bishop of Segovia, procured it to be printed. The 
Emperor prohibited its circulation in Spain, and caused the copies of it 
to be seized. 

Las Casas resolved to refirte this dangerous treatise, and Sepulveda 
was personally cited to a dispute, which was continued through five days. 
As a result, the Kings confessor, Dominic de Soto, an eminent divine, 



eminent reputation as a scholar and a disputant, 
— not, however, for any elevation of principles or 
nobleness of thought. In 1536 he was appointed 
by Charles V. his historiographer, and put in 
charge of his son Philip. Living at Court, he 
had the repute of being crooked and unscrupu- 
lous, his influence not being given on the side 
of rectitude and progressive views. His writ- 
ings concerning men and public affairs give evi- 
dence of the faults imputed to him. He was 
fchcment, intolerant, and dogmatic He justi- 
fied the most extreme absolutism in the exer- 
cise of the royal prerogative, and the laM'fulness 
and even the expediency of aggressive wars 
simply for the glory of the State. Melchior 
Cano and Antonio Ramirez, as well as Las Ca- 
sas, entered into antagonism and controversy 
with his avowed principles. One of his works, 
entitled Democrates Seatndus^ sen de justis belli 
ciiiisis, may be pronounced almost brutal in the 
license which it allowed in the stratagems and 
vengefulness of warfare. It was condemned by 
the universities of Alcala and Salamanca. He 
was a voluminous author of works of history, 
philosophy, and theology, and was admitted to 
be a fine and able writer. Erasmus pronounced 



him the Spanish Livy. The disputation between 
him and Las Casas took place before Charles in 
1550. The monarch was very much under his 
influence, and seems to some extent to have 
sided with him in some of his views and prin- 
ciples. Sepulveda was one of the very few per- 
sons whom the monarch admitted to interviews 
and intimacy in his retirement to the Monastery 
at Yuste. 

It was this formidable opponent — a personal 
enemy also in jealousy and malignity — whom 
Las Casas confronted with such boldness and 
earnestness of protest before the Court and 
Council. It was evidently the aim of Sepulveda 
to involve the advocate of the Indians in some 
disloyal or heretical questioning of the prerog- 
atives of monarch or pope. It seemed at one 
time as if the noble pleader for equity and hu- 
manity would come under the clutch of the 
Holy Oflice, then exercising its new-born vigor 
upon all who could be brought under inquisi- 
tion for constructive or latent heretical proclivi- 
ties. For Las Casas, though true to his priestly 
vows, made frequent and bold utterances of 
what certainly, in his time, were advanced views 
and principles. 



3 1 6^ NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 

was asked to give a summary of the case. This he did in substance as 
follows : — 

" The prime point is whether the Emperor may justly make war on the Indians 
before the Faith has been preached to them, and whether after being subdlied by 
arms they will be in any condition to receive the light of the Gospel, more tractable, 
more docile to good impressions, and ready to give up their errors. The issue between 
the disputants was, that Sepulveda maintained that war was not only lawful and allow- 
able, but necessary ; while Las Casas insisted upon the direct contrary, — that war was 
wholly unjust, and offered invincible obstacles to conversion. Sepulveda presented 
four arguments on his side : i. The enormous wickedness and criminality of the 
Indians, their idolatry, and their sins against nature. 2. Their ignorance and barbarity 
needed the mastery of the intelligent and polite Spaniards. 3. The work of conver- 
sion would be facilitated after subjugation. 4. That the Indians treat eadi other with 
great cruelty, and offer human sacrifices to false gods. Sepulveda. fortifies these argu- 
ments by examples and authorities from Scripture, and by the views of doctors and 
canonists, — all proceeding upon the assumed exceeding wickedness of the Indians. 
In citing Deuteronomy \x. 10-16, he interprets * far-off cities' as those of a differ- 
ent religion. Las Casas replies that it was not simply as idolaters that the seven 
nations in Canaan were to be destroyed, — as the same fate, on that score, might have 
been visited upon all the inhabitants of the earth, except Israel, — but as intruders upon 
the Promised Land. The early Christian emperors, beginning with Constantine, did not 
make th«r wars as against idolaters, but for political reasons. He cites the Fathers as 
giving testimony to the effect of a good example and against violent measures. The 
Indians under the light of Nature are sincere, but are blinded in offering sacrifices. 
They are not like the worst kind of barbarians, to be hunted as beasts ; they have 
princes, cities, laws, and arts. It is wholly unjust, impolitic, and futile to wage war 
against them as simply barbarians. The Moors of Africa had been Christians in the 
time of Augustine, and had been perverted, and so might rightfully be reclaimed." 

The Royal Council, after listening to the dispute and the summary of its 
points, asked Las Casas to draw up a paper on the question whether they 
might lawfully enslave the Indians, or were bound to set free all who were 
reduced to bondage. He replied that the law of God does not justify war 
against any people for the sake of making them Christians; so the whole 
course of treatment of the Indians had been wrong from the start. The 
Indians were harmless; they had never had the knowledge or the proffer 
of Christianity: so they had never fallen away, like the Moors of Africa, 
Constantinople, and Jerusalem. No sovereign prince had authorized the 
Spaniards to make war. The Spaniards cannot pretend that their reason 
for making war was because of the cruelty of the Indians to each other. 
The slaughter of them was indiscriminate and universal. They were en-r 
slaved and branded with the King's arms. The monarch never authorized 
these execrable artifices and shocking atrocities, a long catalogue of which 
is specified. 

The Clerigo then warms into an earnest dissertation on natural and Chris- 
tian equity. He quotes some beautiful sentences from the will of Isabella, 



LAS CASAS, AND THE SPANIARDS AND INDIANS. 317 

enjoining her own humanity on her husband and daughter. He makes a 
strong point of the fact that Isabella first, and then a council of divines and 
lawyers at Burgos, and Charles himself in 1523, had declared that all the in- 
habitants of the New World had been born free. Only Las Casas' earnest- 
ness, his pure and persistent purpose, relieve of weariness his reiteration of 
the same truths and appeals to the King. He insists over and over again 
that the delegating of any portion of the King's own personal authority to any 
Spaniard resident in the New World, or even to the Council of the Indies, 
opens the door to every form and degree of abuse, and that he must strictly 
reserve all jurisdiction and control to himself. 

In a second treatise, which Las Casas addressed to Charles V., he states 
at length the practical measures needful for arresting the wrongs and disas- 
ters consefjuent upon the enslaving of the Indians. Of the twenty methods 
specified, the most important is that the King should not part with the least 
portion of his sovereign prerogative. He meets the objection artfully raised 
by Sepulveda, that if the King thus retains all authority to himself he may 
lose the vast domain to his crown, and that the Spaniards will be forced to 
return to Europe and give up the work of Gospel conversion. 

Las Casas wrote sij% memorials or argumentative treatises addressed to 
the sovereigns on the one same theme. The sameness of the information and 
appeals in them is varied only by the increasing boldness of the writer in 
exposing iniquities, and by the warmer earnestness of his demand for the 
royal interposition. His sixth treatise is a most bold and searching expo- 
sition of the limits of the royal power over newly discovered territory, and 
within the kingdoms and over the natural rights of the natives. A copy 
of this paper was obtained by a German ambassador in Spain, and published 
at Spire, in Latin, in 157 1. It is evident that for a considerable period after 
the composition — and, so to speak, the publication — of these successive pro- 
tests and appeals of the Clerigo, only a very limited circulation was gained 
by them. Artful efforts were made, first to suppress them, and then to 
confine the knowledge of the facts contained in them to as narrow a range 
as possible. His enemies availed themselves of their utmost ingenuity and 
cunning to nullify his influence. Sometimes he was ridiculed as a crazy 
enthusiast, — a visionary monomaniac upon an exaggerated delusion of 
his own fancy. Again, he would be gravely and threateningly denounced 
as an enemy to Church and State, because he imperilled the vast interests 
of Spain in her colonies. 

The principal and most important work from the pen of Las Casas; on 
which his many subsequent writings are based and substantially developed, 
bears (in English) the following title: A Relation of tlie First Voyages and 
Discoveries made by the Spaniards in America. With an Account of their 
Unparalleled Cruelties on the India?is, in the Destruction of above Forty Mill- 
ions of People ; together zvith the Propositions offered to the King of Spain 
to prevent the further Ruin of the West Indies. By Don Bartholomew de 
las Casas, Bishop of Chiapa, zuho was an Eye-witness of their Cruelties. It 



3i8 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 

was composed in Spanish, and finished at Valencia, Dec. 8, 1542, near 
the beginning of the reign of Philip II., to whom it is dedicated. This was 
about fifty years after the discovery of America; and during the greater 
part of the period Las Casas had lived as an observer of the scenes and 
events which he describes. He makes Hispaniola his starting-point, as 
the navigators usually first touched there. The reader will at once be 
struck by the exaggeration, the effect of a high-wrought and inflamed im- 
agination, so evident in the words of the title, which set the number of the 
victims of Spanish cruelty at forty millions. Of this weakness of Las Casas 
in over-estimate and exaggeration of numbers, we shall have to take special 
notice by and by. It is enough to say here that his license in this direc- 
tion is confined to this one point, and is by no means to be viewed as dis- 
crediting his integrity, fidelity, and accuracy in other parts of his testimony. 
He certainly had been deeply impressed with the density of the population 
in some of the islands, for he says : " It seems as if Providence had amassed 
together the greatest part of mankind in this region of the earth." He tells 
us that his motives for writing and publishing his exposure of iniquities 
were, — the call made upon him by pious and Christian people thus to enlist 
the sympathies and efforts of the good to redress tiie wrong ; and his sin- 
cere attachment to his King and Master, lest God should avenge the wrong 
on his kingdom. For this purpose he has followed the Court with his 
pleadings, and will not cease his remonstrances and appeals. At the time 
of completing his work savage cruelties were prevailing over all the parts of 
America which had been opened, slightly restrained for the time in Mexico, 
through the stern intervention of the King. An addition to his work in 
1 546 recognized many new ordinances and decrees made by his Majesty 
at Barcelona since 1542, and signed at Madrid in 1543. But nevertheless 
a new field for oppression and wickedness had been opened in Peru, with 
exasperations from civil war and rebellion among the natives; while the 
Spaniards on most frivolous pretexts defied the orders of the King, pre- 
tending to wait for his answers to their pleas in self-justification. The 
period was one in which the rapacity of the invaders was both inflamed 
and gratified by abundance of spoil, which sharpened the avarice of the 
earlier claimants, and drew to them fresh adventurers. 

Las Casas gives a very winning description of the natives under his 
observation and in his ever-kindly and sympathetic relations with them. 
He says they are simple, humble, patient, guileless, submissive, weak, and 
effeminate; incapable of toil or labor, short-lived, succumbing to slight 
illnesses ; as frugal and abstemious as hermits ; inquisitive about the Cath- 
olic religion, and docile disciples. They were lambs who had encountered 
tigers, wolves, and lions. During the lifetime of Las Casas Cuba had been 
rendered desolate and a desert ; then St. John and Jamaica ; and in all thirty 
islands had come to the same fate. A system of deportation from one 
island to another had been devised to obtain new supplies of slaves. The 
Clerigo deliberately charges that in forty years the number of victims counted 



LAS CASAS, AND THE SPANIARDS AND INDIANS. 319 

to fifty millions. Enslaving was but a protracted method of killing, — all in 
the greed for gold and pearls. The sight of a fragment of the precious metal 
in the hands of a native was the occasion for demanding more of him, as if 
he had hidden treasure, or for his guiding the Spaniards to some real or 
imagined mines. Las Casas follows his details and examples of iniquity 
through the. islands in succession, then through the provinces of Nicaragua, 
New Spain, Guatemala, Pannco, Jalisco, Yucatan, St. Martha, Carthagena, 
the Pearl Coast, Trinidad, the River Yuya-pari, Venezuela, Florida, La Plata, 
and Peru, — being in all seventeen localities, — repeating the similar facts, 
hardly with variations. Against the Spaniards with their horses, lances, 
swords, and bloodhounds, the natives could oppose only their light spears and 
poisoned arrows. The victims would seek refuge in caves and mountain fast- 
nesses, and if approached would kill themselves, as the easiest escape from 
wanton tortures. Las Casas says : '* I one day saw four or five persons, of the 
highest rank, in Hispaniola, burned by a slow fire." Occasionally, he tells us, 
a maddened Indian would kill a Spaniard, and then his death would be 
avenged by the massacre of a score or a hundred natives. Immediately 
upon the knowledge of the death of Isabella, in 1504, as if her humanity 
had been some restraint, the barbarous proceedings were greatly intensified. 
The Spaniards made the most reckless waste of the food of the natives. 
Las Casas says : " One Spaniard will consume in a day the food of three 
Indian families of ten persons each for a month." He avows that when he 
wrote there were scarce two hundred natives left in St. John and Jamaica, 
where there had once been six hundred thousand. For reasons of caution 
or prudence — we can hardly say from fear, for never was there a more 
courageous champion — Las Casas suppresses the names of the greatest 
offenders. The following are specimens of his method : *' Three merciless 
tyrants have invaded Florida, one after another, since 1510." "A Spanish 
commander with a great number of soldiers entered Peru," etc. " In the 
year 15 14 a merciless governor, destitute of the least sentiment of pity or 
humanity, a cruel instrument of the wrath of God, pierced into the continent." 
" The fore-mentioned governor," etc. '* The captam whose lot it was to 
travel into Guatemala did a world of mischief there." " The first bishop 
that was sent into America imitated the conduct of the covetous governors 
in enslaving and spoiling." ** They call the countries they have got by their 
unjust and cruel wars their conquests." *' No tongue is capable of describ- 
ing to the life all the horrid villanies perpetrated by these bloody-minded 
men. They seemed to be the declared enemies of mankind." The more 
generous the presents in treasures which were made by some timid cacique 
to his spoilers, the more brutally was he dealt with, in the hope of extorting 
what he was suspected of having concealed. Las Casas stakes his veracity 
on the assertion : '* I saw with my own eyes above six thousand children die 
in three or four months." 

To reinforce his own statements the Clerigo quotes letters from high 
authorities. One is a protest which the Bishop of St. Martha wrote in 1541 



320 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 

to the King of Spain, saying that " the Spaniards live there like devils, 
rather than Christians, violating all the laws of God and man." Another is 
from Mark de Xlicia, a Franciscan friar, to the King, the General of his 
Order, who came with the first Spaniards into Peru, testifying from his eye- 
sight to all enormities, in mutilations, cutting off the noses, ears, and hands 
of the natives, burning and tortures, and keeping famished dogs to chase 
them. 

Las Casas follows up h;s direful catalogue of horrors into the ** New 
Kingdom of Grenada," in 1536, which he says received its name from the 
native place of ** the captain that first set his foot in it." Those whom he 
took with him into Peru were " very profligate and extremely cruel men, 
without scruple or remorse, long accustomed to all sorts of wickedness." 
The second " governor," enraged that his predecessor had got the first share 
of the plunder, though enough was left for spoil, turned informer, and made 
an exposure of his atrocities in complaints to the Council of the Indies, in 
documents which ** are yet to be seen." The spoils were prodigious quanti- 
ties of gold and precious stones, especially emeralds. The ** governor " 
seized and imprisoned the cacique, or inca, Bogata, requiring him to send 
for and gather up all the gold within his reach ; and after heaps of it had 
been brought, put him to horrid torture in order to extort more. 

There were published at Madeira certain " Laws and Constitutions " 
made by the King at 'Barcelona, in 1542, under the influence of Las Casas, 
as the result of a council at Valladolid. Strict orders to put a stop to the 
iniquitous proceedings were circumvented by agents sent in the interest of 
the authors of the outrages. The Clerigo petitioned the King to constitute 
all the natives his free subjects, with no delegated lordship over them, and 
enjoined upon him ** to take an oath on the Holy Gospels, for himself and 
Iiis successors, to this effect, and to put it in his will, solemnly witnessed." 
He insists that this is the only course to prevent the absolute extermina- 
tion of the natives. He adds that the Spaniards in their covetousness com- 
bine to keep out priests and monks, not the slightest attempt being made 
to convert the natives, though the work would be easy, and they themselves 
crave it. '* The Spaniards have no more regard to their salvation than if 
their souls and bodies died together, and were incapable of eternal rewards 
or punishments." Yet he admits- that it would hardly be reasonable to 
expect these efforts for conversion of the heathen from men who are them- 
selves heathen, and so ignorant and brutish that they ** do not know even 
the number of the commandments." ** As for your Majesty," the Clerigo 
says, with a keen thrust, ** the Indians think you are the most cruel and 
impious prince in the world, while they see the cruelty and impiety your 
subjects so insolently commit, and they verily believe your Majesty lives 
upon nothing but human flesh and blood." He positively denies the impu- 
tations alleged to justify cruelty, — that the Indians indulged in abominable 
lusts against nature, and were cannibals. As for their idolatry, that is a sin 
against God, for Him, not for man, to punish. The monarchs, he insists, 



LAS CASAS, AND THE SPANIARDS AND INDIANS. 32 1 

had been most artfully imposed upon in allowing the deportation of natives 
from the Lucay Islands to supply the havoc made in Hispaniola. The 
Clerigo goes into the most minute details, with specifications and reitera- 
tions of horrors, ascribing them to the delegated authority exercised by 
petty officers, under the higher ones successively intrusted with power. 
There is a holy fervor of eloquence in his remonstrances and appeals to his 
Majesty to keep the sole power in his own hands, as he reminds him that 
fearful retributive judgments from God may be visited upon his own king- 
dom. The Council of the Indies, he says, had desired him to wTite to the 
monarch about the exact nature of the right of the kings of Spain to the 
Indies; and he intimates that the zeal which he had shown in exposing 
iniquities under those whom the King had put in authority in the New 
World had been maliciously turned into a charge that he had questioned 
the royal title to those regions. As will appear, Las Casas, under the lead- 
ings of that intelligent search for the fundamentals of truth and righteous- 
ness which a quickened conscience had prompted, found his way to the 
principles of equity on this subject. 

He had, therefore, previously sent to the King thirty well-defined and 
carefully stated *' Propositions," which he regards as so self-evident that he 
makes no attempt to argue or prove them. His enemies have in view to 
cover up their iniquities by misleading the King. Therefore, for conscience' 
sake, and under a sense of obligation to God, he sets himself to a sacred 
task. Little foreseeing that his life and labor were to be protracted till he 
had nearly doubled his years, he says that, finding himself " growing old, 
being advanced to the fiftieth year of his age," and ** from a full acquain- 
tance with America," his testimony shall be true and clear. 

His subtle enemies plead against him that the King has a right to 
establish himself in America by force of arms, however ruthless the pro- 
cess, — quoting the examples of Nimrod, Alexander, the old Romans, and 
the Turks. They allege also that the Spaniards have more prudence and 
wisdom than other peoples, and that their country is nearest to the 
Indies. He therefore announces his purpose to put himself directly before 
the King, and stand for his *' Propositions," which he sends in advance 
in writing, suggesting that if it be his Majesty's pleasure, they be translated 
into Latin and published in that language, as well as in Spanish. 

The '* Propositions " may be stated in substance as follows ; they were 
keenly studied and searched by those who were anxious to detect flaws or 
heresies in them : — 

1. The Pope derives from Christ authority and power extending over all men, 
believers or infidels, in matters pertaining to salvation and eternal life. But these 
should be exercised differently over infidels and those who have had a chance to be 
believers. 

2. This prerogative of the Pope puts him under a solemn obligation to propagate 
the Gospel, and to offer it to all infidels who will not oppose it. 

3. The Pope is obliged to send capable ministers for this work. 
VOL. ir. — 41. 



322 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 

4. CJIirLstian princes are his most proper and able helpers in it. 

5. 'ITic i^oi>e may exhort and even oblige Christian princes to this work, bj 
authority and money, to remove obstructions and to send true workers. 

6. The Poi>c and princes should act in accord and harmony. 

7. The Poj>e may distribute infidel provinces among Christian princes for this 
work. 

8. fn t})is distribution should Ixr had in view the instruction, conversion, and 
inten.-sts of the infidels themselves, not the increase of honors, titles, riches, and 
lcrritori<:s of ill': i>rin^ts. 

9. Any incidental advanla^re which princes may thus gain is allowable ; but tem- 
poral rnd'-. should iy; wholly s-.;y-»rdinate, the paramount objects being the extending 
of ill': ^"lirjfch, the proj/a;/SLt;ori of the Faith, and the service of God. 

10. Th«: lawf'J r;ji*;v*: k::.^s and nilers of infidel countries have a right to the 
(}\f*'iU*:uf 4', of t;.':ir -. - V'rc*.-., to nicikc laws, etc., and ought not to be deprived, 

exji«:ll':d, or V;oI*:.'.*:y C':i!'. w>.h. 

11. 'Jo \r:yt,.]ir*:., '.:..•. r.!': ir.volves injustice and every form of wTong. 

12. N':;t;-/rf •.:.':/: .vsV.': T .'.'zz-. TiOT their subjects should be deprived of their lands 
for t h': i r i'i*j'.:i*T V , o .' ■■: :. v o •;, *:r \ . n . 

13. .No u.,.:^.: or ,' -'ii;': >i the world has a right to molest these infidels for 
id oL'j try or i.:./ o'.r.'r." ..:*■- r.OA'rver enormous, while still infidels, and before they 
have vo! .r.Vj.'.iy V'/j:,'**-A '^str/./tr.o, unless they directly oppose, refuse, and resist the 
|/ub)ir;i».Ofi of •'.«: (f^/.y:., 

14. I'o^v: \>:j.?.:A':: Vf,. ':.'.d':r whom the discovery was made, was indispensably 
iAAiii'A ♦// o/yx/y; i '',.'.:. /.-a r* j/.'-inoe to whom to commit these solemn obligations 

tA lf.«: ^iO:,V:l. 

ff. \'*:r\.:jt;A irA I ji/::jl\ju\ esfKrcial claims and advantages for this intrust- 
ff./rf.» ':rj *:.K f'o^/^ '^: //**'. <.. orr.'rr Catholic princes, because they had ^ith noble 
':ffor': f\f,,ru O'.r. wn ,:S.O:.\ '4.: A Mohammedans from the land of their ancestors, 
;ifi'! r/y^.y. *'r.^ f yrr.r kr. *:.*,.: own charge Columbus, the great discoverer, whom 

t^, >.; v.r f'o;>^, ':.r: .'.i;:'.r ;.-i t:.!; assignment, so he has ix)wer to revoke it, to 
U'U,^U f *:j. '/,'..'.:.'/ V, y^-.-.f. o^^'rr prince, and to forbid, on pain of excommunication, 

i; T/.i^ /..".^r; of '',f;i..r if./: Iy:on have thus come lawfully to jurisdiction over 
•■ /■ ('/*/■■ 

i>, T . o',:./' : '.-.^ :.;»:. z-^. k.r.;^.; of the Indies to submit to the jurisdiction of the 
kifi^\ o< '.•/♦.,". 

!/> I ■o'y' ;■„<:.'- k./.i;;.:, r.;»/ift;/j fr'vrly and voluntarily received the Faith and 
V«;Vt4i.., tr- y^'.-v: ^ ti •i,r J N*.i»- ufA li'rfon:) to acknowledge this severe ignt\- of the 

k.Cv/ -. ",»' ■.».'i.:, 

/^» i .r /.r.f/i of '.o'l.rj m- Ko;fid by llir law of (lod to choose and send fit 
rj'ir.i.'/*!.!.' •■ 1 ^tt "/;,or*, ''/.r. >"rv ifid do 'rvrythinj; for this cause. 

>; i ■'■/ ;•;»•'" *«■'' wiuf f,on/'r ;ifid juri.dirtion over those infidels before their 
//,«,'#-^f ./,., 1. "..r J',1^ ;..i.: ii^! ;!,.ir' l.i ; ol»Iit.'alioiis to convort ihem. 

// i ..#■ i.#'iii'. for *- j.»i,i.*i.ii,i/ ?ir./ I iiiih III the Indies sluniUl Ik* the same as those 

,-/ t»',,*:. f .,f i.t ,Mir',/!.ir/*/] 1,1 i t»\\vy*u \u\ii ilir world. — mild, ixMceable. and char- 

.« «i,»f lit/ //,/,'I »*/.iifij*l/ ; of A holy ;itid rr^ular way v^f living, especially oves 

■.M» M 'i#y.l# fii'i " i.y :»il,)r/f:, Wi/I Jif ;''lil; ln'stowed tO Witt them. 



LAS CASAS, AND THE SPANIARDS AND INDIANS. 323 

23. Attempts by force of arms are impious, like those of Mahometans, Romans, 
Turks, and Moors : they are tyrannical, and unworthy of Christians, calling out blas- 
phemies ; and they have already made the Indians believe that our God is the most 
unmerciful and cruel of all Gods. 

24. The Indians will naturally oppose the invasion of their country by a title of 
conquest, and so will resist the work of conversion. 

25. The kings of Spain have from the first given and reiterated their orders against 
war and the ill-treatment of the Indians. If any officers have shown commissions and 
warrants for such practices, they have been forged or deceptive. 

26. So all wars and conquests which have been made have been unjust and tyran- 
nical, and in effect null ; as is proved by proceedings on record in the Council against 
such tyrants and other culprits, who are amenable to judgment 

27. The kings of Spain are bound to reinforce and establish those Indian laws 
and customs which are good — and such are most of them — and to abolish the bad ; 
thus upholding good manners and civil policy. The Gospel is the method for effecting 
this. 

28. The Devil could not have done more mischief than the Spaniards have done in 
distributing and spoiling the countries, in their rapacity and tyranny ; subjecting the 
natives to cruel tasks, treating them like beasts, and persecuting those especially who 
apply to the monks for instruction. 

29. The distribution of the Indians among the Spaniards as slaves is wholly con- 
trary to all the royal orders given by Isabella successively to Columbus, Bobadilla, and 
De Lares. Columbus gave three hundred Indians to Spaniards who had done the 
most service to the Crown, and took but one for his own use. The Queen ordered all 
except that one to be sent back. What would she have said to the present iniquities ? 
The King is reminded that his frequent journeys and absences have prevented his 
fully informing himself of these facts. 

30. From all these considerations it follows that all conquests, acquisitions, usur- 
pations, and appropriations by officers and private persons have no legality, as con- 
trary to the orders of the Spanish monarchs. 

Here certainly is an admirable and cogent statement of the principles of 
equity and righteousness, as based upon natural laws and certified and forti- 
fied by the great verities and sanctions supposed to be held in reverence by 
professed Christians. Las Casas, in taking for his starting-point the Pope's 
supreme and inclusive right over half the globe, just brought to the knowl- 
edge of civilized men, seems to make a monstrous assumption, only greater 
than that of the Spanish kings' holding under and deriving dominion from 
him. But we may well pardon this assumption to so loyal a disciple of the 
Church, when we consider how nobly he held this Papal right as condi- 
tioned and limited, involving lofty duties, and balanced by an obligation 
to confer inestimable blessings. He had ever before him the contrast 
between fair scenes of luxurious Nature, ministering to the easy happiness 
of a gentle race of delicate and short-lived beings akin to himself, and the 
ruthless passions, lusts, and savagery of his own countrymen and fellow- 
Christians. We can well account for the opposition and thwarting of his 
efforts amid these scenes, but may need a further explanation of the re- 



324 



NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 



sistance and ill-success which he encountered when pleading his cause 
before monarchs and great councillors at home, whose sympathies seem 
to have been generally on his side. He often stood wholly alone in scenes 
where these ravaging cruelties had full sweep, — alone in the humane sen- 
sitiveness with which he regarded them ; alone in freedom from the mas- 
tering passions of greed and rapacity which excited them ; and alone in 
realizing the appalling contrast between the spirit of blood and rapine which 
prompted them, and the spirit of that Gospel, the assumed championship of 
which at these ends of the earth was the blasphemous pretence of these 
murderers. Those ruthless tyrants, who here treated hundreds and thou- 
sands of the natives subject to them worse than even brutes from which 
useful service is expected, would not, of course, have the front to offer on 
the spot the pretence set up for them by their abetters at the Spanish 
Court, — that they were thus drawing the natives to them for their conver- 
sion ; they laughed at the Clerigo when they did not openly thwart him. 

Las Casas had many powerful and embittered opponents, and by the 
use of various means and artifices they were able to put impediments in 
his way, to qualify and avert what would seem to be the natural effects of 
his ardent appeals and shocking disclosures, and to keep him through his 
protracted life in what looked like a hopeless struggle against giant ini- 
quities. Nor is it necessary that we go deeper than the obvious surface of 
the story to find the reasons for the opposition and discomfiture which he 
encountered. It may be that all those who opposed him or who would not 
co-operate with him were not personally interested in the iniquities which 
he exposed and sought to redress. Something may need to be said by 
and by concerning alleged faults of temper, over-ardor of zeal and over- 
statement, and wild exag^geration attributed to this bold apostle of right- 
eousness. But that the substance of all his charges, and the specifications 
of inhumanity, cruelty, and atrocity which he set forth in detail, and with 
hardly enough diversity to vary his narrative, is faithful to the soberest truth, 
cannot be questioned. He spoke and wrote of what he had seen and 
known. He had looked upon sights of shocking and enormous iniquity 
and barbarity, over every scene which he had visited in his unresting 
travel. His sleep by night had been broken by the piteous shrieks of 
the wretched victims of slow tortures. 

Much help may be derived by a reader towards a fuller appreciation of 
the character and life-work of Las Casas from the biography of him and 
the translation and editing of his principal writings by his ardent admirer, 
Llorente.^ This writer refers to a previous abridged translation of the works 



1 Juan Antonio Llorente, eminent as a writer 
and historian, both in Spanish and French, was 
born near Calahorra, Aragon, in 1756, and died 
at Madrid in 1823. He received the tonsure 
when fourteen years of age, and was ordained 
priest at Saragossa in 1779. He was of a vigo- 
rous, inquisitive, and liberal spirit, giving free 



range to his mind, and turning his wide study 
and deep investigations to the account of his 
enlargement and emancipation from the limita- 
tions of his age and associates. He tells us that 
in 1784 he had abandoned all ultramontane doc- 
trines, and all the ingenuities and perplexities of 
scholasticism. His liberalism ran into rational* 



LAS CASAS, AND THE SPANIARDS AND INDIANS. 325 

of Las Casas, published in Paris in 1642. His own edition in French, in 
1822, is more full, though somewhat condensed and reconstructed. He 
remarks justly upon the prolixity of Las Casas, his long periods, his repe- 
titions, his pedantic quotations from Scripture and the Latin authors, as the 
results of his peripatetic training. His translator and editor credits to the 
magnanimity and nobleness of nature of Las Casas the omission of the 
names of great offenders in connection with the terrible wrongs done by 
them. This reserve of Las Casas has been already referred to. But Llor- 
ente, in seventeen critical notes, answering to the same number of divisions 
in the Relation of Las Casas, supplies the names of the leading criminals ; 
and he also gives in a necrology the shocking or tragic elements and the 
dates of the death of these " men of blood." He adds to the " Remedies " 
which Las Casas had suggested to Charles V. the whole additional series of 
measures proposed up to 1572. Llorente says that, admitting that the start- 
ing-point in the Thirty Propositions of Las Casas, — namely, the assumption 
of the Papal prerogative as to new-discovered territory, — was in his day 
" incontestable," it is now recognized as a falsity. He furnishes an essay of 
his own upon the right and wrong of the claim; and he adds to that of 
Las Casas a treatise on the limits of the sovereign power of the King. Paw 
first, and then Raynal and Robertson, had brought the charge against Las 
Casas of having first introduced African slavery into the New World. As 
we have seen, the charge was false. Gregoire, bishop of Blois, read an 
Apologie h^fovQ the Institute of France in 1801, in vindication of the Clerigo. 
This Apologie is given at length by Llorente. He adds, from manuscripts 
in the Royal Library of Paris, two inedited treatises of Las Casas, written 
in 1 555-1 564, — one against a project for perpetuating the commanderies 
in the New World ; the other on the necessity of restoring the crown of 
Peru to the Inca Titus.^ 

ism. His secret or more or less avowed aliena- is indebted for a History of the Inquisition^ the 

tion from the prejudices and obligations of the fidelity and sufficiency of which satisfy all candid 

priestly order, while it by no means made his judgments. He was restive in spirit, provoked 

position a singular or even an embarrassing strong opposition, and was thus finally deprived 

one under the influences and surroundings of of his office. After performing a variety of 

his time, does at least leave us perplexed to services not clerical, and moving from place to 

account for the confidence with which functions place, he went to Paris, where, in 1817-1818, he 

ar.d high ecclesiastical trusts were committed to courageously published the above-mentioned 

and exercised by him. He was even made Sec- History. He was interdicted the exercise of 

retary-General of the Inquisition, and was thus clerical functions. In 1822, the same year in 

put in charge of the enormous mass of records, which he published his Biography and French 

with all their dark secrets, belonging to its translation of the principal works of Las Casas, 

whole history and processes. This charge he he published also his Political Portraits of the 

retained for a time after the Inquisition was Popes, For this he was ordered to quit Paris, 

abolished in 1809. It was thus by a singular — a deep disappointment to him, causing cha- 

felicity of opportunity that those terrible grin and heavy depression. He found refuge 

archives should have been in the care, and in Madrid, where he died in the following 

subject to the free and intelligent use, of a man year. 

best qualified of all others to tell the world ' Mr. Ticknor, however, says that these two 

their contents, and afterward prompted and at treatises " are not absolutely proved " to be by 

liberty to do so from subsequent changes in his Las Casas. — History of Spanish Literature^ 

own opinions and relations. To this the world i. 566. 




326 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 

Llorente says it is not strange that the apostle Las Casas, like other 
great and noble men, met with enemies and detractors. Some assailed him 
through prejudice, others merely from levity, and without reflection. Four 
principal reproaches have been brought against him : — 

1. He is charged with gross exaggeration in his writings, as by the 
Spanish writers Camporicanes, Nuix, and Mufioz, and of course by those 
interested in excusing the work of conquest and devastation, who cannot 
justify themselves without impeaching Las Casas as an impostor. His 
sufficient vindication from this charge may be found in a mass of legal docu- 
ments in the Archives, in the Records of the Council for the Indies, and in 
Government processes against wrong-doers. Herrera, who had seen these 
documents, says : " Las Casas was worthy of all confidence, and in no par- 
ticular has failed to present the truth." Torquemada, having personally 
sought for evidence in America, says the same. Las Casas, when challenged 
on this point, boldly affirmed : ** There were once more natives in Hispaniola 
than in all Spain," and that Cuba, Jamaica, and forty other islands, with 
parts of Terra Firma, had all been wrecked and made desolate. He insists 
over and over again that his estimates are within the truth. 

2. Another charge was of imprudence in his ill-considered proceedings 
with the Indians. Allowance is to be made on the score of his zeal, his 
extreme ardor and vehemence, — an offset to the apathy and hard-hearted- 
ness of those around him. He was in a position in which he could do 
nothing for the Indians if he kept silence. He witnessed the reckless and 
defiant disobedience of the positive instructions of the King by his own 
high officers. 

3. The third charge was of inconsistency in condemning the enslaving 
of Indians, and favoring that of negroes. This has already been dis- 
posed of. 

4. The final ch.arge was that he was consumed by ambition. Only a 
single writer had the effrontery to ascribe to Las Casas the desperate pur- 
pose of seizing upon the sovereignty of a thousand leagues of territory. 
The whole foundation of the charge was his attempt to plant a particular 
colony in the province of Cumana, near St. Martha, on Terra Firma. So 
far from claiming sovereignty for himself, he even denied the right of the 
King to bestow such sovereignty. 

He was, says Llorente, blameless; there is no stain upon his great 
virtues. Indeed, not only Spain, but all nations, owe him a debt for his 
opposition to despotism, and for his setting limits to royal power in the age 
of Charles V. and the Inquisition. 

Then follows Llorente's translation into French of Las Casas* Memoir on 
the Cruelties practised on the Indians y with the Dedicatory Letter addressed 
to Philip II., 1552. The Spaniards at Hispaniola and elsewhere forgot thaf 
they were men, and treated the innocent creatures around them for forty- 
two years as if they were famished wolves, tigers, and lions. So that in 
Hispaniola, where once were three millions, there remained not more than 



LAS CASAS, AND THE SPANIARDS AND INDIANS. 327 

two hundred. Cuba, Porto Rico, and Jamaica had been wholly depopulated. 
On more than sixty Lucayan islands, on the smallest of which were once 
five hundred thousand natives, Las Casas says, " my own eyes " have seen 
but eleven. 

These appalling enumerations of the victims of Spanish cruelty during 
half a century from the first coming of the invaders to the islands and main 
of America, are set before the reader in the figures and estimates of Las 
Casas. Of course the instant judgment of the reader will be that there is 
obvious and gross exaggeration in them. It remains to this day a debated 
and wholly undecided question among archaeologists, historians, and ex- 
plorers best able to deal with it, as to the number of natives on island and 
continent when America was opened to knowledge. There are no facts 
within our use for any other mode of dealing with the question than 
by estimates, conjectures, and inferences. A reasonable view is that the 
southern islands were far more thickly peopled than the main, vast regions 
of which, when first penetrated by the whites, were found to be perfect 
solitudes. The general tendency now with those who have pursued any 
thorough investigations relating to the above question, is greatly to reduce 
the number of the aborigines below the guesses and the once-accepted 
estimates. Nor does it concern us much to attempt any argument as to the 
obvious over-estimates made by Las Casas, or to decide whether they came 
from his imagination or fervor of spirit, or whether, as showing himself 
incredible in these rash and wild enumerations, he brings his veracity and 
trustworthiness under grave doubts in other matters. 

Las Casas says that near the Island of San Juan are thirty others without 
a single Indian. More than two thousand leagues of territory are wholly 
deserted. On the continent ten kingdoms, " each larger than Spain," with 
Aragon and Portugal, are an immense solitude, human life being annihilated 
there. He estimates the number of men, women, and children who have been 
slaughtered at more than fifteen millions. Generally they were tormented, 
no effort having been made to convert them. In vain did the natives, helpless 
with their feeble weapons, hide their women and children in the mountains. 
When, maddened by desperation, they killed a single Spaniard, vengeance 
was taken by the score. The Clerigo, as if following the strictest process 
of arithmetic, gives the number of victims in each of many places, only 
^ith variations and aggravations. He asserts that in Cuba, in three or four 
months, he had seen more than seven thousand children perish of famine, 
their parents having been driven off to the mines. He adds that the worst 
of the cruelties in Hispaniola did not take place till after the death of 
Isabella, and that efforts were made to conceal from her such as did occur, 
as she continued to demand right and mercy. She had done her utmost 
to suppress the system of repartimieiitos, by which the natives were 
distributed as slaves to masters. 

An inference helpful to an approximate estimate of the numbers and 
extent of the depopulation of the first series of islands seized on ^ 



328 



NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 



Spaniards, might be drawn from the vast numbers of natives deported from 
other groups of islands to replace the waste and to restore laborers. 
Geographers have somewhat arbitrarily distinguished the West Indies into 
three main groupings of islands, — the Lucayan, or Bahamas, of fourteen 
large and a vast number of small islands, extending, from opposite the coast 
of Florida, some seven hundred and fifty miles oceanward ; the Greater 
Antilles, embracing Cuba, San Domingo, Porto Rico, Jamaica, etc., running, 
from opposite the Gulf of Mexico, from farther westward than the other 
groups ; and the Lesser Antilles, or Carribean, or Windward Islands. The 
last-named, from their repute of cannibalism, were from the first coming 
of the Spaniards regarded as fair subjects for spoil, violence, and devasta- 
tion. After ruin had done its work in the Greater Antilles, recourse was 
had to the Lucayan Islands. By the foulest and meanest stratagems for 
enticing away the natives of these fair scenes, they were deported in vast 
numbers to Cuba and elsewhere as slaves. It was estimated that in five 
years Ovando had beguiled and carried off forty thousand natives of the 
Lucayan Islands to Hispaniola. 

The amiable and highly honored historian, Mr. Prescott, says in general, 
of the numerical estimates of Las Casas, that " the good Bishop's arithme- 
tic came more from his heart than his head." ^ 

From the fullest examination which I have been able to make, by the 
comparison of authorities and incidental facts, while I should most frankly 
admit that Las Casas gave even a wild indulgence to his dismay and his 
indignation in his figures, I should conclude that he had positive knowledge, 
from actual eyesight and observation, of every form and shape, as well as 
instance and aggregation, of the cruelties and enormities which aroused his 
lifelong efforts. Besides the means and methods used to discredit the state- 
ments and to thwart the appeals of Las Casas at the Court, a very insidious 
attempt for vindicating, palliating, and even justifying the acts of violence 
and cruelty which he alleged against the Spaniards in the islands and on the 
main, was in the charge that their victims were horribly addicted to canni- 
balism and the offering of human sacrifices. The number estimated of the 
latter as slaughtered, especially on great royal occasions, is appalling, and 
the rites described are hideous. It seems impossible for us now, from so 
many dubious and conflicting authorities, to reach any trustworthy knowl- 
edge on this subject. For instance, in Anahuac, Mexico, the annual num* 
ber of human sacrifices, as stated by different writers, varies from twenty 
to fifty thousand. Sepulveda in his contest with Las Casas was bound to 



1 Conquest of Mexico^ i. 80, n. Of his Short 
Account of the Destruction of the Indies^ this his- 
torian says : " However good the motives of its 
author, we may regret that the book was ever 
written. . . . The author lent a willing ear to 
every tale of violence and rapine, and magnified 
the amount to a degree which borders on the 
ridiculous. The wild extravagance of his numer- 



ical estimates is of itself sufficient to shake 
confidence in the accuracy of his statements 
generally. Yet the naked truth was too startling 
in itself to demand the aid of exaggeration." 
The historian truly says of himself, in his Pre- 
face to the work quoted : ** I have not hesitated 
to expose in their strongest colors the excesses 
of the conquerors. 



>» 



LAS CASAS, AND THE SPANIARDS AND INDIANS. 329 

make the most of this dismal story, and said that no one of the authorities 
estimated the number of the victims at less than twenty thousand. Las 
Casas replied that this was the estimate of brigands, who wished thus to win 
tolerance for their own slaughterings, and that the actual number of annual 
victims did not exceed twenty.^ It was a hard recourse for Christians to 
seek palliation for their cruelties in noting or exaggerating the superstitious 
and hideous rites of heathens ! 

It is certain, however, that this plea of cannibalism was most effectively 
used, from the first vague reports which Columbus took back to Spain of 
its prevalence, at least in the Carribean Islands, to overcome the earliest 
humane protests against the slaughter of the natives and their deportation 
for slaves. In the ail-too hideous engravings presented in the volumes in 
all the tongues of Europe exposing the cruelties of the Spanish invaders, 
are found revolting delineations of the Indian shambles, where portions of 
human bodies, subjected to a fiendish butchery, are exposed for sale. 
Las Casas nowhere denies positively the existence of this shocking bar- 
barism. One might well infer, however, from his pages that he was at least 
increduloois as to its prevalence ; and to him it would only have height- 
ened his constraining sense of the solemn duty of professed Christians to 
bring the power of the missionary, rather than the maddened violence of 
destruction, to bear upon the poor victims of so awful a sin. Nor does the 
evidence within our reach suffice to prove the prevalence, to the astound- 
ing extent alleged by the opponents of Las Casas, of monstrous and bes- 
tial crimes against nature practised among the natives. Perhaps a parallel 
between the general morality respectively existing in the license and vices 
of the invaders and the children of Nature as presented to us by Columbus, 
as well as by Las Casas, would not leave matter for boasting to the Euro- 
peans. Mr. Prescott enters into an elaborate examination of a subject of 
frequent discussion by American historians and archaeologists, — who have 
adopted different conclusions upon it, — as to whether venereal diseases had 
prevalence among the peoples of the New World before it was opened to 
the intercourse of foreigners. I have not noticed in anything written by 
Las Casas that he brings any charge on this score against his countrymen. 
Quite recent exhumations made by our archaeologists have seemingly set 
the question at rest, by revealing in the bones of our prehistoric races the 
evidences of the prevalence of such diseases. 

Sufficient means, in hints and incidental statements, have been furnished 
in the preceding pages from which the reader may draw his own estimate, 
as appreciative and judicious as he may be able to make it, of the character 
of Las Casas as a man and as a missionary of Christ A labored analysis 
or an indiscriminating eulogium of that character is wholly uncalled for, 
and would be a work of supererogation. His heart and mind, his soul and 
body, his life, with all of opportunity which it offered, were consecrated ; 

VOL. II.— 42. ^ Llorente, i. 365. 386. 



330 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 

his foibles and faults were of the most trivial sort, never leading to injury 
for others, and scarcely working any harm for himself. 

It is a well-proved and a gladdening truth, that one who stands for the 
championship of any single principle involving the rights of humanity will 
be led by a kindled vision or a gleam of advanced wisdom to commit 
himself to the assumption of some great, comprehensive, illuminating verity 
covering a far wider field than that which he personally occupies. Thus 
Las Casas' assertion of the common rights of humanity for the heathen 
natives expanded into a bold denial of the fundamental claims of ecclesi- 
asticism. It was the hope and aim of his opponents and enemies to drive 
him to a committal of himself to some position which might be charged 
with at least constructive heresy, through some implication or inference 
from the basis of his pleadings that he brought under question the author- 
ity of the Papacy. Fonseca and Sepulveda were both bent upon forcing 
him into that perilous attitude towards the supreme ecclesiastical power. 
To appreciate fully how nearly Las Casas was thought to trespass on the 
verge of a heresy which might even have cost him his life, but would 
certainly have nullified his personal influence, we must recognize the full 
force of the one overmastering assumption, under which the Pope and the 
Spanish sovereigns claimed for themselves supreme dominion over territory 
and people in the New World. As a new world, or a disclosure on the 
earth's surface of vast realms before unknown to dwellers on the old conti- 
nents, its discovery would carry with it the right of absolute ownership and 
of rule over all its inhabitants. It was, of course, to be ** conquered " and 
held in subjection. The earth, created by God, had been made the king- 
dom of Jesus Christ, who assigned it to the charge and administration of 
his vicegerent, the Pope. All the continents and islands of the earth which 
were not Christendom were heathendom. It mattered not what state of 
civilization or barbarism, or what form or substance of religion, might be 
found in any new-discovered country. The Papal claim was to be asserted 
there, if with any need of explanation, for courtesy's sake, certainly without 
any apology or vindication. Could Las Casas be inveigled into any denial 
or hesitating allowance of this assumption? He was on his guard, but he 
stood manfully for the condition, the supreme obligation, which alone 
could give warrant to it. The papal and the royal claims were sound 
and good ; they were indeed absolute. But the tenure of possession and 
authority in heathendom, if it were to be claimed through the Gospel and 
the Church, looked quite beyond the control of territory and the lordship 
over heathen natives, princes, and people, — it was simply to prompt the 
work and to facilitate, while it positively enjoined the duty of, conversion, — 
the bringing of heathen natives through baptism and instruction into the 
fold of Christ. Fonseca and Sepulveda were baflled by the Clerigo as he 
calmly and firmly told the monarchs that their prerogative, though lawful 
in itself, was fettered by this obligation. In asserting this just condition^ 
Las Casas effectually disabled his opponents. 



LAS CASAS, AND THE SPANIARDS AND INDIANS. 33 1 

The following are the closing sentences of the Reply of Las Casas to 
Sepulveda : — 

" The damages and the loss which have befallen the Crown of Castile and Leon 
will be visited also upon the whole of Spain, because the tyranny wrought by these 
desolations, murders, and slaughters is so monstrous that the blind may see it, the deaf 
may hear it, the dumb may rehearse it, and the wise judge and. condemn it after our 
very short life. I invoke all the hierarchies and choirs of angels, all the saints of the 
Celestial Court, all the inhabitants of the globe, and chiefly all those who may live after 
me, for witnesses that I free my conscience of all that has transpired ; and that I have 
fully exposed to his Majesty all these woes ; and that if he leaves to Spaniards the 
tyranny and government of the Indies, all of them will be destroyed and without 
inhabitants, — as we see that Hispaniola now is, and the other islands and parts of the 
continent for more than three thousand leagues, without occupants. For these reasons 
God will punish Spain and all her people with an inevitable severity. So may it be ! " 

It is grateful to be assured of the fact that during the years of his last 
retirement in Spain, till the close of his life at so venerable an age, Las Casas 
enjoyed a pension sufficient for his comfortable subsistence. Allowing only 
a pittance of it for his own frugal support, he devoted it mostly to works of 
charity. His pen and voice and time were still given to asserting and 
defending the rights of the natives, not only as human beings, but as free of 
all mastery by others. Though his noble zeal had made him enemies, and 
he had appeared to have failed in his heroic protests and appeals, he had 
the gratification of knowing before his death that restraining measures, 
sterner edicts, more faithful and humane officials, and in general a more 
wise and righteous policy, had abated the rage of cruelty in the New World. 
But still the sad reflection came to qualify even this satisfaction, that the 
Spaniards were brought to realize the rights of humanity by learning that 
their cruelty had wrought to their own serious loss in depopulating the 
most fertile regions and fastening upon them the hate of the remnants of 
the people. The reader of the most recent histories, even of the years of 
the first quarter of this century, relating to the Spanish missions in the 
pueblos of Mexico and California, will note how some of the features of 
the old repartimiento system, first introduced among the Greater Antilles, 
survived in the farm-lands and among the peons and converts of the 
missionaries. 



CRITICAL ESSAY ON THE SOURCES OF INFOR.MATION. 

THE subject of this chapter is so nearly exclusively concerned with the personal his- 
tory, the agency, and the missionary work of Las Casas, both in the New World and 
at the Court of Spain, that we are rather to welcome than to regret the fact that he is 
almost our sole authority for the statements and incidents with which we have had to deal. 
Giving due allowance to what has already been sufficiently recognized as his intensity of 



332 



NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 



Bpirit, his wildness of imagiaation, and his enormous overstatement in his enumeration 

of the victims of Spanish cruelty, he must be regarded as the best authority we could have 
for the use nhich he serves to us.* Free as he was from all selfish and sinister motives, 
even the daring assurance with which he speaks out before the monarch and his council- 
lors, and prints on his tiilepages the round numbers of these victims, prompts us to give 
full credit to his testimony on other matters, even if we substitute thousands in place ol 
millions. As to the fonrs and aggravations of the cruel methods in which the Spaniards 




1 [Helps ISfianiiA Coirfueit) says : " Las 



» CAroHicItr, 



to ; also Central Amirii 



CaMS maybe thoroughly trusted whenever he 374, 309; ii. 337) speaks of the exaggeratio 



speaking of things of which he had 1 
tent knowledge." TJcknor ^Sfaniih LUtrahtri, 
iu 31) calls him "a prejudiced witness, but on 
a point of fact within his own knowledge one 
to be believed." H. H. Bancroft (Early Amer- 



which the zeal of Jjs Casas leads hin; 

L due abatement therefor, he considers 
keen and valuable observer, guided by 
I sagacity, and endowed with a Certain 
— Ed,] 



LAS CASAS, AND THE SPANIARDS AND INDIANS. 



333 



dealt with the natives, the recklessness and ingenuity of the work of depopulation, — 
which was as naturally the consequence of the enslaving of the Indians as of their indis- 
criminate slaughter, — Las Casas' revelations seem to have passed unchallenged by even 
his most virulent enemies. 

Sepulveda may be received by us as the representative alike in spirit and in argument 
of the opposition to Las Casas. He was an acute and able disputant, and would readily 
have availed himself of any weak points in the positions of the apostle. It is observable 
that, instead of assailing even the vehement and exaggerated charges alleged by Las 
Casas against the Spanish marauders for their cruelty, he rather spends his force upon the 
maintenance of the abstract rights of Christian champions over the heathen and their 
territory. The Papal and the Royal prerogatives were, in his view, of such supreme and 
sweeping account in the controversy, as to cover all the incidental consequences of 
establishing them. He seemed to argue that heathens and heathenism invited and 
justified conquest by any method, however ruthless ; that the rights of the Papacy 
and of Christian monarchs would be perilled by allowing any regards of sentiment 
or humanity to stand in the way of their assertion ; and that even the sacred duty of 
conversion was to be deferred till war and tyranny had obtained the absolute mastery 
over the natives. 




The eight years spent by Las Casas in retirement in the Dominican convent at San 
Domingo were used by him in study and meditation. His writings prove, in their referen- 
ces and quotations from the classics, 
as well as from Scripture, that his 
range was wide, and that his mind 
was invigorated by this training. 

In 1 552-1 553, at Seville, Las 
Casas printed a series iof nine tracts, 

which are the principal source of our I / 

information in relation to his allega- V^>^ / 

tions against the Spanish oppressors autograph OF LAS CASAS. 

of the Indians. It is only necessary 

to refer the reader to the bibliographies* for the full titles of these tracts, of which we 

simply quote enough for their identification, while we cite them in the order in which they 

seem to have been composed, following in this the extensive Note which Field has given 

in his Indian Bibliography : — 

I. Breuissima relacion de la destruycion de las Indias . . . aHo 1552 ; 50 unnumbered 
leaves. 

The series of tracts is usually cited by this title, which is that of the first tract,^ for 
there is no general printed designation of the collection. Four folios appended to this, 
but always reckoned as a distinct tract, are called, — 



^ Sabin's Works of Las Casas^ and his Dic- 
tionary, iii. 388-402, and x. 88-91 ; Field's 
Indian Bibliography ; Carter-Brown Catalogue ; 
Harrisse's Notes on Columbus^ pp. 18-24; the 
fluth Catalogue ; Brunefs Manuel^ etc. 

'-^ [Field says it was written in 1540, and sub- 
mitted to the Emperor in MS.-; but in the shape 
in which it was printed it seems to have been 
written in 1 541-1542. Cf. Field, Indian Bibliog- 
raphy, nos. 860, 870; Sabin, Works of Las 
Casas y no. I ; Carter- Brown Catalogue, i. 164 ; 
Ticknor, Spanish Literature, ii. 38; and Cata- 
logue, p. 62. The work has nineteen sections on 
as many provinces, ending with a summary for 



the year 1 546. This separate tract was reprinted 
in the original Spanish in London, in 181 2, and 
again in Philadelphia, in 182 1, for the Mexican 
market, with an introductory essay on Las Ca- 
sas. Stevens, Bibliotheca historica, 1 105; cf. 
also Colcccion de documentos iniditos {Espaha)^ 
vol. vii. 

The Cancionero spiritual, printed at Mex- 
ico in 1 546, is not assigned to Bartholomew Las 
Casas in Ticknor's Spanish Literature^ iii. 44, 
but it is in Gayangos and Vedia's Spanish trans* 
lation of Ticknor. Cf. also Sabin, vol. x. no. 
39,122; \\2xx\s%t,. Bib. Am, Vet., Additions, No. 
159. — Ed.] 



334 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 




TITLE OF FIRST TRACT. 



LAS CASAS, AND THE SPANIARDS AND INDIANS. 



335 



2. Lo que se sigue es vn pedctqo de vna carta^ etc. It records the observations of a 
Spanish traveller upon the enormities practised on the natives.^ 

3. Entre los remedies . . . para reformacid de las Indias\ 1552; 53 unnumbered 
leaves. It gives the eighth of the proposed remedies, assigning twenty reasons against 
the enslaving of the natives.^ 

4. Aqui se cdtieni vnos auisos y reglas para los confessores, etc ; 1552 ; 16 unnum- 
bered leaves. It gives the rules for the confessors of his bishopric of Chiapa to deny 
the offices of the Church to such as held repartimientos.^ 

5. Aqui se contiene vna disputa . . . entre el obispo . . , y el doctor Gines de Sepul- 
ueda; 1552 ; 61 unnumbered leaves. This strong enunciation of Las Casas' convic- 
tions grew out of his controversy with Sepulveda.* It contains, first, a summary by 
Domingo de Soto of the differences between the two disputants ; second, the arguments 
of Sepulveda ; and third, the replies of Las Casas, — twelve in all. 

6. Este es vn tratado . . . sobre la materia de los Yndios, que se han Iiecho en ellax 
esclauosj 1552 ; 36 unnumbered leaves. This contains reasons and judicial authorities 
on the question of the restitution of the natives to freedom.* 

7. Aqui se cotiene treynta proposiciones . . .y 1552; 10 leaves. These are the 
Propositions, mentioned on a preceding page, as Las Casas' reply to those who objected 
to the rigor of his rules for his confessors.® 

8. Principia quedd ex quibus procedendum^ etc ; 1552 ; 10 leaves. This gives the 
principles on which he conducts his defence of the rights of the natives.' 

9. Tratado cdprobatorio del imperio soberano, etc. ; 80 unnumbered leaves. The 
title-date is 1552, but that in the colophon is 1553. The purpose is " to prove the sovereign 
empire and universal dominion by which the kings of Castile and Leon hold the West 
Indies." * 

Complete sets of these tracts have become very rare, though it is not uncommon to 
find, in current catalogues, single copies of some of those less scarce.* 



^ [Field does not give it a date ; but Sabin 
says it was written in 1 552. Cf. Field, nos. 860, 
870, note ; Sabin, no. 2 ; Carter-Brown, i. 165 ; 
Ticknor Catalogue^ p. 62. — Ed.] 

2 [Field says it was written " soon after *' no. 
i; Sabin places it in 1543. Cf. Field, no. 862, 
S70, noie ; Carter-Brown, i. 166; Sabin, 3; Ste- 
vens, Bid/. Geffg., no. 595; Ticknor Catalogue^ 
p. 62. — Ed.] 

3 [Sabin says it was written in America in 
1 546-1 547. Field, nos, 863, 870, note ; Carter- 
Brown, i. 167 ; Sabin, no. 6. — Ed.] 

♦ [There seems, according to Field (nos. 
864, 865), to have been two distinct editions in 
1552, as he deduces from his own copy and from 
a different one belonging to Mr. Brevoort, there 
being thirty-three variations in the two. Quaritch 
has noted (no. 11,855, priced at ;f 6 dr.) a copy 
likewise in Gothic letter, but with different wood- 
cut initials, which he places about 1570. Cf. 
Field, p. 217 ; Carter-Brown, i. 168 ; Sabin, no. 8 ; 
Ticknor CcUalogiie^ p. 62. 

The initial work of Sepulveda, Democratcs 
SecundtiSf defending the rights of the Crown over 
the natives, was not published, though he 
printed his Apologia pro libro dejustis belli causis, 
Rome, 1550 (two copies of which are known), of 
which there was a later edition in 1602; and 
some of his views may be found in it Cf. 



Ticknor, SpanisA Literature, ii. 37 ; Harrisse, 
JVbtes on Columbus, p. 24, and Bib. Amer, Vet., 
no. 303 ; and the general histories of Bancroft, 
Helps, and Prescott. The Carter-Brown Cata- 
logue, no. 173, shows a MS. copy of Sepul- 
veda's book. It is also in Sepulveda's Opera, 
Cologne, 1602, p. 423; Carter-Brown, vol. ii. 
no. 15. — Ed.] 

* [Sabin dates it in 1543. Cf. Field, nos. 
866, 870, note ; Sabin, no. 4 ; Carter-Brown, 
i. 170. — Ed.] 

^ [Sabin says it was written in Spain in 1548. 
Cf. Field, nos. 867, 870, note ; Sabin, no. 7 ; 
Carter-Brown, i. 171. — Ed.] 

' [Field, nos. 868, 870, note ; Sabin, no. 9 ; 
Carter-Brown, i. 169. — Ed.] 

^ [This is the longest and one of the rarest 
of the series. Sabin says it was written about 
1543. There were two editions of the same 
date, having respectively 80 and 84 leaves ; but 
it is uncertain which is the earlier, though Field 
supposes the fewer pages to indicate the first. 
Field, nos. 869, 870, note ; Sabin, no. 5 ; Carter 
Brown, i. 172. — Ed.] 

• [It is only of late years that the entire series 
has been described. De Bure gives only five of 
the tracts ; Dibdin enumerates but seven ; and 
Llorente in his edition omits three, as was done 
in the edition of 1646. Rich in 1832 priced a 



336 



NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 





CSQuifecoficnc vme 

au I foB t rcglae para loBcon fclToite q 

ottfenconfcflionce otloe Sfpano 

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frat EanbolomeSlas 

cafae/ocafei'srcla 

'bid^noc Sancii» 

s^omingo. 






TTTLE OF THE *-OL!RTH TRACT.^ 
1 (Fiom Ibe copy in Harvard College Library. — Ed.] 



LAS CASAS, AND THE SPANIARDS AND INDIANS. 



337 



In I57i» five years after Las Casas' death, what is sometimes called a tenth part was 
printed at Frankfort, under the title of Explicatio questionis utrum Reges vel Principes 
jure aliquo . . . Cives ac subditos a regia corona alienare f This further showing of the 
arguments of Las Casas is even rarer than its predecessors.* Its authorship, without 
much reason, has been sometimes denied.^ It is translated, however, in Llorente's edition, 
as is also a letter of Las Casas which he wrote in 1555 to the Archbishop of Toledo, 
protesting against the contemplated sale of Encomiendas in perpetuity, which, being com- 
municated to the King, led to the prohibition of the plan. 

In 1854 Henry Stevens printed, in a style corresponding to that of the tracts of 1552, 
a series of six papers from original manuscripts in his possession, interesting as contribu- 
tions to the history of Las Casas and his work ; • and there is also a letter of Las Casas 
in the volume a few years since printed by the Spanish Government as Cartas cU Indias, 
There is an enumeration of thirteen other treatises, noted as still in manuscript, which is to 
be found in Sabin's Dictionary or in his separate Works of Las Casas; but Mr. Field is 
inclined for one reason or another to reduce the number to five, in addition to the two 
which were published by Llorente.* There are also two manuscripts recorded in the 
Carter-Brown Catalogue.^ 



set at ;£'i2 I2s. A full set is now worth from 
$100 to $150; but Leclerc (nos. 327, 2,556) has 
recently priced a set of seven at 700 francs, and 
a full set at 1,000 francs. An English dealer 
has lately held one 2X£^2. Quaritch has held 
four parts at ;f 10, and a complete set at £^. 
Single tracts are usually priced at from ;£^i to 
£^. Recent sales have been shown in the Sun- 
derland (no. 2,459, 9 parts) ; Field (no. 1,267) » 
Cooke (vol. iii. no. 369, 7 parts) ; Stevens, Hist. 
Coll, (no. 311, 8 parts); Pinart (no. 536); and 
Murphy (no. 487) catalogues. The set in the 
Carter-Brown Library belonged to Ternaux ; that 
belonging to Mr. Brevoort came from the Maxi- 
milian Library. The Lenox Library and Mr. Bar- 
low's Collection have sets. There are also sets 
in the Grenville and Huth collections. 

The 1646 reprint, above referred to, has some- 
times a collective title. Las Obras^ etc., but most 
copies, like the Harvard College copy, lack it. 
As the titles of the separate tracts (printed 
in this edition in Roman) retained the original 
1552 dates, this reprint is often called a spurious 
edition. It is usually priced at from $15 to $30. 
Cf. Sabin, no. 13 ; Field, p. 216; Quaritch, no. 
11,856; Carter-Brown, i. 173; ii. 584; Stevens, 
Hist. Coll.y i. 312 ; Cooke, iii. 370. 

Some of the Tracts are included in the Obras 
escogidas de filSsofos^ etc. Madrid, 1873. — Ed.] 

1 [Field, no. 870, and note ; Sabin, no. 1 1 ; 
the Carter-Brown Collection lacks it. It was 
reprinted at Tubingen, and again at Jena, in 1678. 
It has never been reprinted in Spain, says Ste- 
vens {BibL Hist,, no. 1,096). — Ed.] 

* [" Not absolutely proved to be his," says 
Ticknor [Spanish Literature ^ ii. 37). — Ed.] 

• [There were a hundred copies of these 
printed. They are : — 

I. Memorial de Don Diego Colon sobre la 

conversion de las gentes de las Yndias, With an 

Epistle to Dr. Reinhold Pauli. It is Diego 

Colon's favorable comment on Las Casas's 

VOL. II. — 43. 



scheme of civilizing the Indians, written at King 
Charles's request. Cf. Stevens, Hist. Coll.^ i. 
881. 

2. CartOy dated 1520, and addressed to the 
Chancellor of Charles, in which Las Casas urges 
his scheme of colonization of the Indians. Mr. 
Stevens dedicates it to Arthur Helps in a letter. 
Cf. Stevens, Hist. Coll.y i. 882 ; the manuscript 
is described in his Bibl. Geog.y no. 598. 

3. Paresfer o determinacio de los sehores 
theologos de Salamaneay dated July I, 1 541. 
This is the response of the Faculty of Salaman- 
ca to the question put to them by Charles V., 
if the baptized natives could be made slaves. 
Mr. Stevens dedicates the tract to Sir Thomas 
Phillipps. Cf. Stevens, Hist. Coll. i. 883. 

4. Carta de Hernando Cortis. Mr. Stevens, in 
his Dedication to Leopold von Ranke, supposes 
this to have been written in 1541-1542. It is 
Cortes' reply to the Emperor's request for his 
opinions regarding EncomiendaSy etc., in Mexico. 
Cf. Stevens, Hist. ColLy i. 884. 

5. Carta de Las Casas y dated Oct. 22, 1545, 
with an abstract in English in the Dedication 
to Colonel Peter Force. It is addressed to 
the Audiencia in Honduras, and sets forth the 
wrongs of the natives. Cf. Stevens, Hist, ColLy 
i. 885. The manuscript is now in the Huth 
Collection, Cataloguey v. 'i,68i. 

6. Carta de Las Casas to the Dominican 
Fathers of Guatemala, protesting against the 
sale of the reversion of the Encomiendas. Mr. 
Stevens supposes this to have been written 
i" ^554* i'^ his Dedication to Sir Frederick 
Madden. Cf. Stevens, Hist. Coll.y i. 886. A set 
of these tracts is worth about $25. The set in 
the Cooke Sale (vol. iiu no. 375) is now in Har- 
vard College Library; another set is shown in 
the Murphy Catalogucy no. 488, and there Is one 
in the Boston Public Library. — Ed.] 

* Field, p. 219. 

* Vol. i. p. 160. 



338 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 




CSquifcconenctrc 

tntapjopoficionesmuTiuridicaeicn 
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coca mnct>a8cora8 ptncncciiKB al oe 
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Sflo.Kfz. 




Tm^K or THE SEVENTH IHACT. 



• [From a copy in Haivard College Librwy. — Ed.1 



LAS CASAS, AND THE SPANIARDS AND INDIANS. 339 

The most labored of Las Casas' books was his Hisioria de las IndiaSy — the original 
manuscript of which is still preserved, according to Helps, in the library of the Academy 
of History at Madrid.^ Las Casas began this work while in his convent in 1527,2 and 
seems to have worked upon it, without finishing it, up to 1561. It has all the fervor 
and vigor of his nature ; and so fzx as it is the result of his own observation, its character 
is unimpeachable. It is in large part, as Helps has remarked, autobiographic ; but it does 






-^^^rTX^^- r^ r'-'T ^:^Z 






r^- 




' f 



LAS CASAS' INDORSEMENT ON THE MANUSCRIPT OF HIS " HISTORIA." ^ 

^ [Harrisse, Notes on Coiumfms, says vol- > [Such is Quintana*s statement ; but Helps 

ames i. and ii. are in the Academy ; but vol- failed to verify it, and says he could only fix the 

ume iii. is in the Royal Library. Cf., however, dates 1 552, 1 560, 1 561 as those of any part of 

the " Advertcnda preliminar" of the Madrid the writing. Lift 0/ Las Casas^ip. ly^. — Ed.] 
(1875) edition of the Hisioria on this point, as * [This is slightly reduced from the fac- 

well as regards the various copies of the manu- simile given in vol. iii. of the 1875 (Madrid) 

script exbting in Madrid. — Ed.] edition of the Hisioria, ^ Ed.] 



340 



NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 



not bring the story down later than 1520. Its style is characteristically rambling and 
awkward, and more or less confused with extraneous learning, the result of his convent 
studies, and interjected with his usual bursts of a somewhat tiresome indignation. Out- 
side of his own knowledge he had large resources in documents, of which we have no 
present knowledge. He seems to have had a prescience of the feelings in his countrymen 
which would long keep the manuscript from the printing-office, for he left instructions at 
his death that no one should use it for forty years. The injunction did not prevent 
Herrera having access to it ; and when this latter historian published his book in 1601, the 
world got a large part of Las Casas' work, — much of it copied by Herrera verbatim^ — but 
extracted in such a way that Las Casas could have none of his proper effect in ameliorating 
the condition of the Indians and exposing the cruelty of their oppression. In this way 
Las Casas remained too long eclipsed, as Irving says, by his copyist. Notwithstanding 
the publication of the book was prohibited, various manuscript copies got abroad, and 
every reputable historian of the Spanish rule has made use of Las Casas' labors.* Finally, 
the Royal Academy of History at Madrid undertook the revision of the manuscript ; but 
that body was deterred from putting their revision on the press by the sentiments, which 
Spanish scholars had always felt, adverse to making public so intense an arraignment of 
their countrymen.* At last, however, in 1875-1876, the Academy finally printed it in five 
volumes.' The Hisioria was of course not included, nor were two of the tracts of the 
issues of 1552 (nos. 4 and 8) embraced, in the edition of Las Casas' Obras which Llorente 
issued in Paris in 1822 in the original Spanish, and also in the same year in a French 
translation, CEuvres de Las Casas,* This work is dedicated " Au module des virtues 
hdrdditaires, A. M. le Comte de las Casas." Sufficient recognition has been made in the 
preceding narrative of this work of Llorente. As a Spaniard by birth, and a scholar 
well read in the historical literature of his own country, as one trained and exercised in 
the priestly office, though he had become more or less of a heretic, and as a most ardent 
admirer of the virtues and the heroic services of the great Apostle to the Indians, he had 
the attainments, qualifications, and motives for discharging with ability and fidelity the 
biographical and editorial task which he undertook. It is evident from his pages that he 
devoted conscientious labor in investigation, and a purpose of strict impartiality to its 
discharge. He is not an undiscriminating eulogist of Las Casas, but he penetrates with 
a true sympathetic admiration to the noble unselfishness and the sublime constancy 
of this sole champion of righteousness against powerful forces of iniquity. 

The number of versions of all or of part of the series of the 1552 tracts into other 
languages strikingly indicates the interest which they created and the e£Eect which they 
produced throughout Europe. None of the nations showed more eagerness to make 



1 [I trace no copy earlier than one Rich had 
made. Prescott had one, which was probably 
burned in Boston (1872). Helps used another. 
There are other copies in the Library of Con- 
gress, in the Lenox Library, and in H. H. Ban- 
croft's Collection. — Ed.] 

* [Harrisse, Bid/. Amer. Vet.^ p. 119, says 
the purpose of the Academy at one time was 
to annotate the manuscript, so as to show Las 
Casas in a new light, using contemporary 
writers. — Ed.] 

3 [It is worth from $30 to $40. It is called 
Histaria de las Indias^ ahora por primera vez dada 
d luz por d MarqtUs de la Fuensanta del Valle y 
yosk Sancho Rayon, It contains, beginning in 
vol. V. at p. 237, the Apologitica historia which 
Las Casas had written to defend the Indians 
against aspersions upon their lives and charac- 
ter. This latter work was not included in 



another edition of the Historia printed at Mex- 
ico in two volumes in 1877-1878. Cf. Vigel, 
Biblioteca Mexicana. Parts of the Apologetica 
are given in Kingsborough*s Mexico^ vol. viii. 
Cf. on the Historia^ Irving's Columbus^ App. ; 
Helps's Spanish Conquest (Am. ed.), i. 23, and 
Life of Las Casas, p. 175 ; Ticknor, Spanish Lit- 
erature, ii. 39; Humboldt's Cosmos (Eng. tr.), 
ii. 679 ; H. H. Bancroft, Central America, i. 309; 
Prescott's Mexico, i. 378; Quintana's Vidas, 
iii. 507. — Ed.] 

* [Llorente*s version is not always strictly 
faithful, being in parts condensed and paraphras- 
tic. Cf . Field, no. 889 ; Ticknor, Spanish Litera- 
ture, ii. 38, and Catalog-ue, p. 62 ; Sabin, nos. 14, 
50; H. H. Bancroft, Central America, i. 309. 
This edition, besides a life of Las Casas, con- 
tains a necrology of the Conquerors, and other 
annotations by the editor. — Ed.] 



LAS CASAS, AND THE SPANIARDS AND INDIANS. 34I 

public these accusations against the Spaniards by one of their own number, than the 
Flemings and Dutch. The earliest of all the translations, and one of the rarest of these 
publications, is the version of the first tract, with parts of others, which appeared in the 
dialect of Brabant, in 1578, — the precursor of a long series of such testimonies, used to 
incite the Netherlanders against the Spanish rule.^ The French came next with their 
Tyrannies et cruauUz des Espagnols^ published at Antwerp in 1579, in which the transla* 
tor, Jacques de Miggrode, softened the horrors of the story with a due regard for his 
Spanish neighbors.* A somewhat bolder venture was a new version, not from the originals, 
but from the Dutch translation, and set out with all the horrors of De Bry's seventeen 
engravings, which was supplied to the French market with an Amsterdam imprint in 1620. 
It is a distorted patchwork of parts of the three of the 1552 tracts.' In a brief preface, 
the translator says that the part relating to the Indies is derived from the original, printed 
at Seville by Sebastian Trugillo in 1552, the writer "being Las Casas, who seems to be 
a holy man and a Catholic." There were still other French versions, printed both in France 
and in Holland.^ The earliest English translation is a version signed by M. M. S., 
entitled The Spanish Colonie^ or Brief e Chronicle of the Acts and Gestes of the Spaniardes 
in the West Indies^ called the Newe Worlde^ for the Space of XL, Yeeres, issued in London 
in 1583.* The best-known of the English versions is The Tears of the Indians, ** made Eng- 
lish by J. P.," and printed in London in i656.' "J. P." is John Phillips, a nephew of John 
Milton. His little book, which contains a terse translation of Las Casas's " Cruelty," etc., 
without his controversy with Sepulveda, is dedicated to Oliver Cromwell. It is prefaced 
by a glowing appeal " To all true Englishmen," which rehearses the proud position they 
hold in history for religion, liberty, and human rights, and denounces the Spaniards as 

1 [This earliest version is a tract of 70 • [Sabin, no. 44; Leclerc, no. 335; Field, 

leaves, printed probably at Brussels, and called no. 876 ; Carter-Brown, ii. 236 ; 0*Callaghan, 

Seer cart Verhael vande destrtutie van d^Indien, no. 1,337. It is a rare book, and is sometimes 

Cf. Sabin, no. 23 ; Carter-Brown, i. 320; Stevens, quoted at £1$ or thereabout. It is called Le 

BibL Hist^ViO, 1,097. The whole series is re- mirair de la tyrannie EspagnoU. — Ed.] 
viewed in Tiele's Mltnoire bibliographiqtie (who ^ [One printed at Lyons in 1642 is called 

gives twenty-one editions) and in Sabin 's Works Histoire des Indes occidentales, which Graesse 

of Las Caios (taken from his Dictionary) ; and says follows a Paris edition of 1635. ^^* Field, 

many of them are noted in the Carter-Brawn pp. 222, 223; Carter-Brown, ii. 498; Sabin, 

Catcdogiie 2Xidi in Mailer's Books on America^ 1872 no. 46; Muller (1877), no. 1797. Rich says this 

and 1877. This 1578 edition was reissued in translation was made by the Abb^ de Bellegarde, 

1 579 with a new title, Spieghel der Spaenscher who tempered the rougher parts, as his prcde- 

Tirannije^ which in some form continued to be cessors had done. The text is much abbreviated 

the tide of subsequent editions, which were is- from Las Casas, using, however, only a part of 

sued in 1596, 1607, 1609, 1610, 1612 (two), 1620 his tracts. This version was reissued, according 

(two), 1621, 1627 (?), 1634, 1638, 1663, 1664, etc to Graesse, in 1692; but most bibliographers 

Several of these editions give De Bry's engrav- cite as the same with it, La dicouverte des In" 

ings. sometimes in reverse. A popular chap- des occidentalesy Paris, 1697 and 1701, and the 

book, pnnted about 1730, is made up from Las Relation des voyages . . . dans les Indes occi- 

Casas and other sources. — Ed.] dentales, Amsterdam, 1698. Cf. Sabin, nos. 47, 

* [This included the first, second, and sixth 48, 49; Carter-Brown, ii. 1,510, 1,527 ; O'Cal- 

of the tracts of 1552. In 1582 there was a new laghan, nos. 1,340, 1,342. — Ed.] 
edition of the Tyrannies, etc., printed at Paris ; ^ [It is a tract of sixty-four leaves in Gothic 

but some copies seem to have had a changed letter, and is very rare, prices being quoted at 

^t\tt Histoire admirable des horribles insolences, ;£'20 and more. Cf. Sabin, no. 61 ; Carter-Brown, 

etc. It was again reissued with the original i. 351 ; Stevens, Bibl. Geog.y 596 j Huth Catalogue^ 

title at Rouen in 1630. Cf. Field, 873, 874; i. 271. Cf. William Lightfoote's Complaints 

Sabin, nos. 41, 42, 43, 45 ; Rich (1832) ; Stevens, of England^ London, 1587, for English opinion 

Bibl, Hist,, no. 1,098; Leclerc, nos. 334, 2,558; at this time on the Spanish excesses (Sabin, 

Carter-Brown, i. 329, 345, 347 ; O'Callaghan, vol. x. no. 41,050), and the Foreign Quarterly 

lo- i»336; a London catalogue (A. R. Smith, Review (1841), ii. 102. — Ed.] 
1874) notes an edition of the Histoire admirable * [Field, p. 877 ; Carter-Brown, ii. 804; Sabin, 

des horribles Insolences, Cruautez et tyrraines exer- no. 60. The first tract is translated in Purchases 

cies par Its Espagnols^ etc., Lyons, 1 594. — Ed.] Pilgrimes, iv. 1,569. — Ed.] 



342 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 

*' a Proud, Deceitful, Cruel, and Treacherous Nation, whose chiefest Aim hath been the 
Conquest of this Land," etc., closing with a call upon them to aid the Protector in the 
threatened contest for the West Indies. 

While Phillips places the number of the slaughtered Indians at twenty millions, these 
are reckoned at forty millions by the editor of another English version, based upon the 
French Tyrannies et cruautiz^ which was printed at London, in 1699, as A Relation of 
the First Voyages and Discoveries made by the Spaniards in America} The earliest Ger- 
man edition appeared, in 1597, as Newe IVelt: warhafftige Anzeigung der Hispanier 
grewlichen . . . Tyranney,^ The Latin edition appeared at Frankfort, in 1598, as 
Narratio regionum Jndicarvm per Hispanos qvosdam deuastatarum verissima.^ This 
Latin translation has a brief introduction, mainly a quotation from Lipsius, commenting on 
these atrocities. The version is spirited and faithful, covering the narrative of Las Casas 
and his discussion with Sepulveda. The engravings by De Bry are ghastly and revolting, 
and present all too faithfully the shocking enormities related in the text. It is a fearful 
parody of deception and truth which introduces a hooded friar as holding a crucifix before 
the eyes of one under torment by fire or mutilation. We can scarcely regret that the cir- 
cumstances under which the indiscriminate slaughter was waged but rarely allowed of this 
desecration of a sacred symbol. The artist has overdrawn his subjects in delineating 
heaps of richly wrought and chased vessels as brought by the hounded victims to appease 
their tormentors. 

To close this list of translations, it is only necessary to refer to the sundry ways in 
which Las Casas was helped to create an influence in Italy, the Italian text in these 
publications usually accompanying the Spanish.* 



-^n-^x^<£. Se^. 



^ [Some copies read, Account of the First * [It followed the French edition of 1579, 

Voyages ^^Xz. Cf. Field, no. 880 ; Carter-Brown, and was reissued at Oppenheim in 1614. Cf. 

vol. ii. no. 1,556; Sabin, no. 63; Stevens, Bibl, Field, p. 871 ; Carter-Brown, i. 453, 524; ii. 164; 

Geog.^ no. 603 ; and Pritue Library Catalogue ^ Sabin, nos.57, 58. 

p. 34. Another English edition, London, 1689, The Heidelberg edition of 1664, Regionum 

is called Popery truly display^ d in its Bloody Indicarum per Hispanos olim dnastatarum 

Colours. Ci. Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no. 1,374 ; description omits the sixteen pages of preliminary 

Sabin, no. 62. Another London book of 1740. matter of the early editions ; and the plates, judg- 

Old England for Ever^ is often called a Las ing from the Harvafd College and other copies, 

Casas, but it is not his. Field, no. 888. — Ed.] show wear. Sabin, no. 59; Carter-Brown, ii. 

2 [Sabin, no. 51 ; Carter-Brown, i. 510 ; Ste- 944. — Ed.] 
vens, Hist. Coil., i. 319. It has no place. Muller * [As in the Istoria b bremssima relatiom, 

calls a Warhafftiger Bericht of 1599, with no Venice, 1626, 1630, and 1643, a version of the 

place, the earliest German edition, with De Bry's, first tract of 1552, made by Castellani. It was 

engravings, — which were also in the Oppenheim later included in Marmocchi's Raccolta di viaggi. 

edition of 1613, Warhafftiger und griindlicher Cf. Sabin, nos. 16, 17, 18; Carter-Brown, ii. 311, 

Bericht, etc. Cf. Sabin, no. 54 ; Carter-Brown, 360, 514; Leclcrc, no. 331 ; Field, no. 885; Stevens, 

ii. 146. A similar title belongs to a Frankfort /T/j/. C(7//.,i. 315; ^/^/.A'/>/., no. 1,100. Thesi.\th 

edition of 1597 (based on the Antwerp French tract was translated as // supplice schiavo In' 

edition of 1579), which is noted in Sabin, no. diano, and published at Venice in 1635, 1636, 

52, and in Bib. Grenvilliana, ii. 828, and was and 1657. Cf. Carter-Brown, ii. 434, 816; 

accompanied by a volume of plates (Sabin, Field, no. 886; Sabin, nos. 20, 21. It was re- 

no, 53). issued in 1640 as La liberth pretesa. Sabin, 

There seem to be two varieties of the Ger- no. 19; Field, no. 887; Carter-Brown, ii. 473. 

man edition of 1665, Umbstdndige warhafftige The eighth and ninth tracts appeared as Con- 

Bcschreibung der Indianischen Ldndern. Cf. qiiista dclP Indie occidentali, Venice, 1645. Cf 

Carter-Brown, ii. 957; Sabin, no. 55; Field, Field, no. 884; Sabin, no. 22; Carter-Browr\ 

no. 882. Sabin (no. 56) also notes a 1790 and ii. 566. — Ed.] 
other editions. — Ed.] 



LAS CASAS, AND THE SPANIARDS AND INDIANS. 



343 



EDITORIAL NOTE. 



HTHE most important distinctive lives of Las 
-^ Casas are those of Llorente, prefixed to 
his edition pi Las Casas' (Euvres ; that which 
Quintana (born, 1772; died, 1857) gives in his 
Vidas dt Espaholes ciUbreSy vol. iii., published at 
Madrid in 1833, ^^^^ reprinted, with Quintana's 
ObraSf in the Biblioteca dt auiores Espaholes in 
1852; and the Vida y escritos de Las Casas of A. 
M. Fabi^, published at Madrid in 1879, ^^ ^^ 
volumes, with a large number of unpublished 
documents, making vols. 70 and 71 of the 
Documenios iniditos {Espatka), The life which was 
constructed mainly by the son of Arthur Helps 
out of The Spanish Conquest in America by the 
father, is the most considerable account in Eng- 
lish. The larger work was written in a spirit 
readily appreciative of the character of Las Casas, 
and he is made such a centre of interest in it as 
easily to favor the excision of parts of it to form 
the lesser lx}ok. This was hardly possible with 
the broader connections established between 
Las Casas and his times which accompany the 
portrayal of his career in the works of Pres- 
cott and H. H. Bancroft. The great 
friend of the Indian is mainly, how* 
ever, to be drawn from his own writings. 
Las Casas was by no means alone 
in his advocacy of the rights of the 
natives, as Harrisse {Bibl, Am, Vet, 
Add.^ p* 119) bas pointed out; naming 
Julian Garces, Francis of Vittoria, 
Diego de Avendaiio, Alonzo de No- 
rena, and even Queen Isabel herself, 
as evinced by her will (in Dormer, 
Discursos varies^ p. 381). The fame 
of Las Casas was steadfastly upheld 
by Remesal in his Hlstoria de Chyapa^ 
etc., 1619 (cf. Bancroft, Central America^ !i. 339) ; 
and the great apostle found a successor in his 
labors in Juan de Palafox y Mendo^a, whose 
appeal to the King, printed about 1650, and 
called Virttides del Indio^ i naturaleza y coshim- 
bres de los Indios de Nueva Espaha^ has become 
very rare. (Cf. Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no. 691.) 
Brasseur de Bourbourg, in the fourth volume of 
his Nations civiltsies du Afexique, set forth in all 
their enormity the barbarities of the Spanish 
conquerors; but he seeks to avoid all imputa- 
tions of exaggeration by shunning the evidence 
drawn from Las Casas. . 

The opponents of Las Casas — who became 
in due time the best-hated man in the Spanish 
colonies — were neither few nor powerless, as 
the thwarting of Las Casas' plans constantly 
showed. The Fray Toribio Motolinia took issue 
with Las Casas, and Ramirez, in his Life of 



Motolinia contained in Icazbalceta's Coleceion^ 
undertakes to show (p. Ivii) the difference be- 
tween them. Cf. B. Smith's Coleccion^ p. 67. 

The most conspicuous of his fellow-observers, 
who reached conclusions constantly quite at va- 
riance with Las Casas, was Gonzalo Fernandez 
de Oviedo y Valdes, — to give his full name, 
though Oviedo is the one by which he is usually 
cited. Oviedo was but a few years younger than 
Las Casas. He had seen Columbus* triumph at 
Barcelona, and had come to America with Pedra- 
rias ten years after Las Casas, and spent thirty- 
four of the next forty years in the New World, 
holding part of the time the office of inspector of 
the gold-smeltings at Darien, and latterly living,at 
Hispaniola. He is thought to have begun his 
historical studies as early as 1520, and he pub- 
lished his first book, usually called the Sumario^ 
in 1 526, on his return from his second voyage. 
It is a description of the West Indies and its 
natives. Returning to Spain in 1530, he was 
after a while made the official chronicler of the 
Indies, and in 1535 began the publication of his 




great Historia de las Indios, On this chief 
labor Ticknor (Spanish Literature, ii. 33) 
traces him at work certainly as late as 1 548, and he 
may have added to it down to 1555. He had the 
royal direction to demand of the various gover- 
nors whatever document and aid he might need 
as he went on. Ticknor calls him the first author- 
ized chronicler of the New World, — " an office," 
he adds, " which was at one time better paid than 
any other similar office in the kingdom, and was 
held at different times by Herrera, Tamayo, So- 
ils, and other writers of distinction, and ceased 
(he believed) with the creation of the Academy 
of History." Oviedo was a correspondent of 
Ramusio, and found the acquaintance helpful. 
He knew Cortes, and exchanged letters with 
him. Ticknor, after speaking of the scope of 
the Historia as taxing the powers of Oviedo 
beyond their strength, still accounts the work of 
great value as a vast repository of facts, and not 
wholly without merit as a composition. In the 




TITLE OF OVIEDO, 1526, REDUCED, 



LAS CASAS, AND THE SPANIARDS AND INDIAN^. 



345 



s commonly made of Oviedo there is al- 
lowed him but scant scholarship, little power of 
discrimination. — as shown ia his giving at times 
as much weight to hearsay evidence as (o estab- 
lished testimony, — a curious and shrewd insight, 
which sometimes, with his industry, leads him 
to 3. better balance of authorities than might be 
eipected from his deficient judgment. His re- 
sources of material were uncomtnon; but his 
use of (hem is generally tedious, with a tenden- 
cy to wander from his theme. 
Temaui sees in him the pre- 
judices of his times, — and 
these were not certainly very 
friendly to the natives. Las 
Casas could no mote endure 
him than he could bear with 
the average conquistador. The 
bishop charges the historian 
with constantly bearing false 
witness against the Indians, 
and with lying on every page. 
Oviedo died at Valladolid in 
I SS7 . ( Cf. Prcscotfg Mexico, 
ii. 3S3; Irving's Celumhu, 
App.xxviii. ; H. H.Bancroft, 
Chroniclers, p. 20, and Central 
Amtrica, I 309, 463-467-) 

The bibliography of Oviedo 
deserves to be traced. His 
initial publication, Dc la nat- 
ural hyiloria de las Indias, 
was printed at Toledo in 1516, 
— not in IJ25, as the Real 
Academia aays in their re- 
print, nor 1518, as Ticknor 
gives it. It is often cited as 
Oviedo's Sumarig, since that 
is the first word of the sec- 
ondary title. (Cf, Sabin, Dic- 
tionary, vol. xiv, no. 57,987 ; 
Harrisse, Notes on Cotumbus, 
p. (2i and BiM. Atner. Vit^ 
no. 139; Temaux,no.35; Rich, 
1832, no. 6,^:1* IIJ.,- Car. 
ter-6rown, i. 89.) There are 
also copies in the Library of Congress and Har- 
vard College. The Spanish text is included in 
Barcia's Hiitoriadores primitives and in Vedia's 
Nist. prim, di Indias, 1858, vol. i. It is in large 
part translated into English in Eden's Dtcadts 
ofthiNrm World. 1555 (chap. 18}, and tWs ver- 
sion is condensed in Purchas's Pilgrims, iv. j. 
There Js an Italian version in Ramusio's Viaggi, 

The publication of Oviedo's great work, which 
Is quite different from the 1516 book, was begun 
at Seville, in 1535, under the title of Mistorta 
gtntrai de las Indias. In (his he gave the first 



nineteen books, and ten chapters of book :o. A( 
the end is a caria miiswa, to which the author 
usually attached his own signature, and that 
annexed is taken (slightly reduced) from the 
copy in Harvard College Library. (Cf. Sabin, 
vol. xiv. no. 57,988 ; Hanisse, Bibl. Am. yet, no. 
107; Murphy, nos. 1886-87; Carter-Brown, i. 
ii4,withfac-sitnile of title.) Ramusio translated 
these nineteen books. In 1547, what purports to 
be a summary, but is in fact a version, of Xeres 



^1 

I'll' r5l(^^ 


1 


^ -^ 

^ 


1 


aT *r 


^^ 


#* 


A A « 


i ■;" 2 


^-^ 


^M> ^ -^ ' 


* *7 




x^^ 


^ 


P^ 



ARMS OF OVIEDO.* 

by Jacques Gohory, appeared in Paris as L'his 
loire de la lerre natve du Ffru en Flnde occidenlale, 
(C(. Bib. Am. Vet., no. 264; Ternaui, no. 52; 
Sabin, vol. xiv. no. 57,994-) 

In 1547 a new edition of the Spanish, some- 
what increased, appeared at Salamanca as 
Ctrrimiea de las Indias ; la kysloria general de 
las Indias agtra nueuamenle impressa, cerregida,y 
emendada. Sometimes it is found in the same 
cover with the Peru of Xcres, and then the title 
varies a little. The book ia rare and costly. 
Rich, in 1832 (no. 17), priced it at /to iw.,- it 
has been sold recently at the Sunderland sale 



I Reduced from the cut at the end of the ediCioD of Oviedo, i m. 



346 



NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 



for ;f 6i| and in the library of an old admiral 
(1883, no. 340) for ;f40; Quaritch has priced it 
^^ £^yt suid Maisonneuve (Leclerc, no. 432), at 
1,000 francs. There is a copy in Harvard Col- 
lege Library. (Cf. Sabin, vol. xiv. no. 5719S9; 
Carter-Brown, i. 145; Bid/. Am. Fet., no. 278; 
Additions f no. 163 ; and Murphy, no. 1885.) 

A full French translation of ten books, made 
by Jean Poleur, appeared in Paris under the 



set is worth about $20. See further, Bninet, iv. 
299; Temaux, no. 46; Panzer, vii. 124; Stevens^ 
Nuggets f ii. 2,067.) Temaux had already, in 
1840, published in French, as a Histoire de 
Nitaragua (in his second series, vol. iii.) thirteen 
chapters of book xlii. 

There was an Italian traveller in the Spanish 
provinces between 1541 and 1556 who, while he 
thought that Las Casas mistook his vocation in 



aeaa realoe/Cefiir'rlfl De.^.|&»ieue)CDinima'2Dcfroer€nore8Ddc6rqoma0finc^ 
cruputo eftuuidTen: n. loe p^moe oe a^ilaa piirrce mas Tt^guros ^paaficamoebfiiicf 
I'emoa a glona a alaba^a oe lefu c()2ifto:el qual la reuerencnfTima "? UlullrifTima perron 
naf eliaoooe.^.S largos n^mposp^orpere^ru ranrofmiidOt ^efeoilkiatreriiti 







title of Histoire naturelle ..^ 

et ghUralU des Indes^ with- 
out the translator's name 
in 1555, and with it in 1556. (Cf. 
Sabin, vol. xiv. no. 57.992-93; Ter- 
naux, no. 47; Carter-Brown, i. 214; 
Beckford, iii. 342; Murphy, no. 1884; Leclerc, 
no. 434, 130 francs, and no. 2,888, 350 francs ; 
Quaritch, no. 12,313, £^ ioj.) There is a copy 
in Harvard College Library. 

The twentieth book, Libro xx de la segunda 
parte de la general kistoria de las Indias appeared 
for the first time and separately at Valladolid in attempting to administer a colony, bears evidence 
'557; the death of the author while his book to the atrocities which Las Casas so persistently 
was in press prevented the continuance of its magnified. This wanderer was a Milanese, Giro- 
pnblication. (Cf. Rich, 1832, no. 34, £(> 6s.; lamo Benzoni, who at the early age of twenty- 
Sabin, vol. xiv. no. 57,991 ; Carter-Brown, i. 219.) two had started on his American travels. He 

The fate of the remaining parts of the manu- did not altogether succeed in ingratiating him- 
script was for a while uncertain. Rich, in 1832, self with the Spaniards whom he encountered, 
said that books xxi. to xxviii., which were in the and perhaps his discontent colored somewhat 
printer's hands at Oviedo's death, were not re- his views. He was not much of a scholar, 
covered, while he knew of manuscript copies yielded not a little to credulity, and picked up 
of books xxix. to xlviii. in several collections, mere gossip indeed, but of a kind which gives us 
Irving says he found a copy of the unprinted much light as to the conditions both of the Euro- 
parts in the Colombina Library at Seville, peans and natives. (Cf. Field, Indian Bibliogror 
Harrisse {Notes on Columbus and Bibl. Avi. Vet., phy^ no. 117 ; Bancroft, Central America^ ii. 232; 
no. 207) says the manuscript was scattered, but Admiral Smith's Introduction to the Hakluyt 
was brought together again after some vicissi- Society edition.) After his return he prepared 
tudes. Another statement places it in the Casa and published — prefixing his own likeness, as 
de la Contratacion after Oviedo's death ; whence shown here in fac-simile — the results of his ob- 



it was transferred to the Convent of Monserrat. 
Meanwhile sundry manuscript copies were taken. 
(Cf. Notes on Columbus, p. 17.) In 1775 ^^c 
publication of it was ordered by Government ; 
but it was not till 1851-1855 that the Real 
Academia de la Historia at Madrid issued the 
fifty books, complete in four volumes folio, 
under the editing of Jose Amador de los Rios, 
who added to the publication several maps, a 
bibliography, and the best Life of Oviedo yet 
written. (Cf. Sabin, vol. xiv. no. 57,990; the 



servations in his Historia del Mondo Nuffi'o^ 
which was issued at Venice in 1565. It be- 
came a popular book, and spread through £u^ 
rope not only in the original Italian, but in 
French and Latin versions. In Spanish it 
never became current ; for though it so greatly 
concerns that people, no one of them ventured 
to give it the help of a translation into their 
vernacular ; and as he had not said much in 
praise of their American career, it is not alto 
gether strange. 



LAS CASAS, AND THE SPANIARDS AND INDIANS. 



347 



The bibliographjF of the book merits er- 
plination. It ii treated at length in Sabin's 
Dittionary, vol, ii, no. 4.791, and in the Studi 
biog. t hibliog. dtlla Sacieli Gtograjita Ilaiiana, 
i. 193 (iSSi), The original Italian edition, La 
Hiiifria dtl Mondo JVuwn, laqual tralla dell ' 
liole £^ Mari nuaOiomUe rilrm/ali, &" diiU 
nuipvt Ciita da iui proprio vtdult, per acgua &" 
per terra in guattordeci aunt, wis published at 
Venice in 1565. There are copies in Harvard 
College, Cornell University, and the Carter- 
Brown libraries. Ct Rich (1833}, no. 43— ;C' 
II. od. ; Leclerc ( 1878), no. 59 — 1 20 francs ; A. R. 
Smith (1874), £i Z3. od. ; Brinley, no. 10 ; 
Carter-Brown, i. 253; Huth, 1. IJ2; Field, 
Indian Bibliography, no. 117 ; Sparks, 
no. 1401 Stevens (1870), no. 171. A second 
Italian edition — Nuovamtntt riilampata 
. . . cen la giutila d'aliune cose notabiU dell ' 



man's Voyagien. CL Rich, no. 6t ; Carter-Brown, 
I. 344, 388, ii. 44, 917 ; MuUer (1871), no*. 80, 

1880, (1877). 386. 

The first Datch edition appeared at Haarlem 
in 1610; there was an abridged issue at Amster- 
dam in 1663, Cf. Tiele, nos. 276,277; Muller 
( 1871), nos. 81, 82 ; Catter-Brown, ii. 97. 

Furchas gave an abstract in English; but 
there was no complete English version till Ad- 
miral Smith's was published by the Hakluyt 
Society in 1857. This has fac-similes of the cuts 
of the 157: edition; and De Bry also followed 
the early cuts,- 



/sole t 



It Venii 



1572. Cf.Rich(i832l,nQ.49,;£'i iJ.w/.; 
Carter-Brown, i. 289; Stevens, no. 172; 
MuUcr (1S77J, no. 185; Sunderland, no. 
1,2:3; H. C. Murphy, no. 2,838; Huth, 
i. 132; J. J. Cooke, nos. 219. 220. 

The first Latin edition Abviz IVovi Orbis 
Hisloria, translated by Urban Chauveton 
(who added an account of the French ex- 
pedition to Florida), was published at 
Geneva in 1578; followed by a second in 
1581; a third in 15S6, with Lery's bcMDk 
on Brazil added ; others Lni59o (no place); 
1598 and 1600 (Geneva) ; (Colonic Allo- 
brogum), 1612, with three other tracts; 
and at Hamburg in 164S. Besides these 
the Latin version appealed in De Bry, 
parts iv., v., and vi., printed at Frankfort 
in 1592, 1593, 1594, 1595, and at Oppen- 
heim in 1617. Cf. Carter-Brown, i. 318, 338, 
365; ii. 123, 629; Stevens, Nuggels 1,300; 
Bibl. ffiit^no. 173-174! Muller (1872), nos, 78, 
79: (1877), 2871 Sunderland, no. 1,214; Cooke, 
nos. !i8,Mj; Pinart, no. 97 ; Huth, i. 132; Field, 
p. 119. There are copies of the 1578 edition in 
the Boston Public and Harvard College libraries. 

The French editions were issued at Geneva 
in 1579 and 1589. The notes are different from 
those of the Latin editions ; and theie are no 
notes to book iii., as in the Latin. Cf. Carter- 
Brown, i, 326; Cooke, no. 221 ; Court, no. JJ, 

There are two German' versions. The first 
was by Nicholas Hdniger, and was printed at 
Basle, in 1579, as £>er IVewea,, WelJt. It was 
reissued, with tracts of Peter Martyr and others, 
in 1582. The version of Abel Scherdigers was 
issued at Helmstadt in 1590, 1391, again at 
Frankfort in 1595, and at Wittenberg in 1606. 
There were in addilion some later imprints, 
besides those included in De Bry and in Saegh- 




In 1542 and 1543 Las Casas largely influenced 
the royal decrees relating to the treatment of 
the Indians, which were signed by the monarch, 
Nov. 20, 1542, and June 4, 1543, and printed at 
Alcala in 1543 as Leyes y Ordenattfas. This 
book stands as the earliest printed ordinances 
for the New World, and is rare. Rich in 1832 (no. 
:3)priceditatj!:2i. (Ci.Bib.Am.Vet.,T,<i.xi,T, 
Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 130; Sabin, vol.i. p. 320.) 
There were later editions at Madrid in 1585,' 
and at Valladolid in r6o3. Henry Stevens, in 
1878. issued a fac-simile edition made by Harris 
after a vellum copy in the Grenville Collection, 
accompanied by a translation, with an historical 
and bibliographical introduction. 

The earliest compilation of general laws for 
the Indies, entitled Pravisiones. cedulas, inslruc- 
cionrt di lu Mageilad, was primed in Mexico in 
1563. This is also very rare ; Rich priced it in 



■ In Hart 



d College Library, with also the Ordenaniai rtales del Conseie di tat Indiai, of I] 



348 



NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 



1832 at ;f 16 i6j. It was the work of Vasco de 
Puga, and Helps calls it ** the earliest summary 
of Spanish colonial law." The Carter-Brown 
copy (Catalogue^ i. 242) was sent to England for 
Mr. Helps's use, there being no copy in that 
country, so far as known. 

The next collection was Pravisiones^ cidulasy 
etc., arranged by Diego de Encinas, and was 
printed at Madrid in 1 596. The work early be- 
came scarce, and Rich priced it at £^ 5X. in 1832 
(no. 81). It is in Harvard College and the Car- 
ter-Brown Library ( Catalogue ^ vol. i. no. 502). The 
bibliography of the general laws, particularly of 
later collections, is sketched in Bancroft's Cett" 
tral America^ i. 285, and Mexico^ iii. 550; and in 



chap, xxvii. of this same volume the reader will 
find an examination of the administration and 
judicial system of the Spaniards in the New 
World ;^ and he must go chiefly to Bancroft 
(Central America^ i* 255, 257, 261, 285; Mexico^ 
ii- 130* 516, 563, etc.) and Helps {Spanish Con- 
quest and Life of Las Casas) for aid in tracing 
the sources of the subject of the legal protection 
sought to be afforded to the natives, and the 
attempted regulation of the slavery which they 
endured. Helps carefully defines the meaning 
and working of the encomienda system, which 
gave in effect a property value to the subjection 
of the natives to the Conquerors. Cf. Spanish 
Conquest (Am. ed.), iii. 113, 128, 157, 212. 



' There are convenient explanations and references respecting the functions of the Casa de la Contratadon, 
the Council of the Indies, the Process of the Audienda, and the duties of an Alcalde, in Banaoft's Central 
America^ vol. i. pp. 270, 280, 282, 297, 330. 



CHAPTER VI. 

CORTES AND HIS COMPANIONS. 

BY JUSTIN WINSOR, 
Th4 Editor. 

GRIJALVA had returned in 1518 to Cuba from his Western expedition,* 
flushed with pride and expectant of reward. It was his fate, how- 
ever, to be pushed aside unceremoniously, while another was sent to follow 
up his discoveries. Before Grijalva had returned, the plan was formed ; 
and Hernando Cort6s distanced his competitors in suing for the leadership 
of the new expedition. Cort6s was at this time the alcalde of Santiago in 
Cuba, and about thirty-three years old, — a man agile in mind, and of a 
frame well compacted for endurance ; with a temper to please, and also to 
be pleased, if you would but wait on his wishes. He had some money, 
which Velasquez de Cuellar, the Governor, needed ; he knew how to decoy 
the intimates of the Governor, and bait them with promises : and so the 
appointment of Cortes came, but not altogether willingly, from Velasquez. 

Cortes was born in Spain,^ of humble, respectable stock. Too con- 
siderable animal spirits had made him an unprofitable student at Salamanca, 
though he brought away a little Latin and a lean store of other learning. 
A passion for the fairer sex and some military ardor, dampened with scant 
income all the while, characterized the following years; till finally, in 1504, 
he sailed on one of the fleets for the New World. Here he soon showed 
his quality by participating in the suppression of an Indian revolt. This 
got him a small official station, and he varied the monotony of life with 
love intrigues and touches of military bravado. In 1511, when Diego 
Columbus sent Velasquez on an expedition to Cuba, Cortes joined it as 
the commander's executive officer. A certain adroitness turned a quar- 
rel which he had with Velasquez (out of which grew his marriage with 
a fair Catalina) to his advantage with the Governor, who made him in the 
end the alcalde of Santiago, — a dignity which mining and stock-raising 
luckily enabled the adventurer to support. He was in this condition when 
all schemes worked happily, and Velasquez was induced to commission 
him commander-in-chief of the new expedition. The Governor gave him 

^ See chap. iii. p. 203, ante, ^ At Medellin, in Estremadura, in 1485. 



350 



NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 




£l AtUUntaiioBON l>lE<iO VEZ^AXQCZi t& 
Cueiiar Alitor (fd dtj-cftthtsimie^ia 
tie nxtat/a £jpanttt 



instructions on the 23d of October, 1518. Cort6s understood, it turned 
out, that these were to be followed when necessary and disregarded when 
desirable. There seemed, indeed, to have been no purpose to confine the 
business of the expedition to exploration, as the instructions set forth.' 
Cortes put all his substance into ships and outfits. He inveigled his friends 
into helping him. Velasquez converted what Government resources he 
could to the purpose of the expedition, while at the same time he seems 
to have cunningly sold to Cortes his own merchandise at exorbitant prices. 

> F»>«iiiu]e of in engrairing in Herren, * Tht; are given in Facheco's C^tttim, liL 
L agS. It ia lithographed in Cabajil'i MixUa, 115, Fcescott'i Mexito, app. i., and eliewbere 
ii. 11. CE. H. H. Bancroft, Mexico, i. 55. 



CORTES AND HIS COMPANIONS. 35 1 

Twenty thousand ducats apparently went into somebody's pockets to get 
the expedition well started.^ Three hundred men, including some of 
position, joined him. The Governor's jester, instigated, as is supposed. 
by Velasquez* relatives, threw out a hint that Cortes was only preparing 
to proclaim his independence when he reached the new domain. The 
thought worried the Governor, and seems in port to have broken the spell 
of the admiration which he entertained for Cortes ; yet not so much so but 
he could turn a cold shoulder to Grijalva when he arrived with his ships* 
as happened at this juncture. 

Cortt's could not afford to dally ; and secret orders having been given 
for all to be in readiness on the evening of the 17th of November, on the 
next morning the fleet sailed.* There were six vessels composing it, and 
a seventh later joined them. At Trinidad (^Cuba) his force was largely 
augmented with recruits from Grijalva's men. Here messengers arrived 
from Velasquez, ordering the authorities to depose Cortes and put another 
in command. Cortds had, however, too strongly environed himself; and 
he simply took one of the messengers into his service, and sent back the 
other with due protestations of respect. Then he sailed to San Crist6bal 
(Havana), sending a force overland to pick up horses. The flagship met 
a mishap on the way, but arrived at last. Cortes landed and displayed 
his pomp. Letters from Velasquez still followed him, but no one dared 
to arrest him. He again sailed. His fleet had now increased to twelve 
vessels, the largest measuring one hundred tons ; his men were over six hun* 
dred, and among them only thirteen bore firelocks ; his artillery consisted 
of ten guns and four falconets. Two hundred natives, men and women* 
were taken as slaves. Sixteen horses were stowed away on or below 
deck.' This was the force that a few days later, at Guaguanico, Cortes 
passed in review, while he regaled his men with a specious harangue, 
steeped in a corsair's piety. On the i8th of February they steered boldly 
away on the mission which was to become famous. 

Looking around upon his officers, Cort^ could discover, later if not 
then, that he had some stanch lieutenants. There was Pedro de Alvarado, 
who had already shown his somewhat impetuous quality while serving 
under Grijalva. There was Francisco dc Montejo, a good administrator 
as well as a brave soldier. Names not yet forgotten in the story of the 
Conquest were those of Alonso de Avila, Crist6bal de Olid, and the 
youngest of all» Gonzalo de Sandoval, who was inseparable from his white 
stallion Motilla. Then there were Velasquez de Leon, Diego de Ordaz« 
and others less known to fame. 

The straggling vessels gathered again at Cozumel Island, near the point 
of Yucatan. Cort^ sent an expedition to discover and ransom some 

* There b motck costtd of teedmony 00 Um Biacroft makes hb departure a Imrried twt open 
reepectiTe ahart of Cort^ and Velaaquex in ooe ; and thia is Helps's view of the asthoritiea. 
eqoipping the espeditioo. H. H. Baacrolt * The avthoritiea are not hi «uso« ahovt all 
(i#rx^i. 57) collates the aQthoritiea. theee figmres. Ct H. H. Baacrolt, M£m»m, 

* Prescott aaakea Cort^ aaU cliideetimly; I 7a 



352 



NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 



Christians who were in the interior, as he heard. The mission failed ; but 
a single one of the wanderers, by some other course, found the Spaniards, 
and was welcomed as an interpreter. This man reported that he and 
another were the sole survivors of a ship's company wrecked on the 
coast eight years before. 

Early in March the fleet started to skirt the Yucatan shore, and Cortis 
had his first fight with the natives at Tabasco, — a conflict brought on 
for no reason but that the town would not supply provisions- The stock- 




CANNON OF OORTfc' TIME." 



ade was forced, and the place formally occupied. A more signal vic- 
tory was required ; and the Spaniards, getting on shore their horses and 
artillery, encountered the savage hordes and dispersed them, — aided, as 
the veracious story goes, by a spectral horseman who shone upon the 
field. The native king only secured immunity from further assaults by 
large presents. The Spaniards then re-embarked, and next cast anchor 
at San Juan de Ulloa. 



1 As represented in a cut by bnel van 
Meckel), which is here reduced from a fac-simile 
in A. O. Essenwein's Kiitluriitlirriieitr Bildtr 
Alias, ii., AfilUlaller (Leipsic, iSSj), pt. cxv. It 
will be observed (hat the pieces have no trun- 
nions, and are supported in a kind of trough. 
They were bieech -loaders fay means of cham- 
bers, three of which, with handles, ate seen (in 
the^orfT'lying on the ground, and one is in 
^^Rtce, in the gun on ihe right. In the Naval 
Museum at Annapolis there are guns captured in 
the Mexican war, that are supposed (o be the ones 
used by Cortes. A search of the records of the 



Ordnance Department at Washington, instituted 
for me by Commodore Sicard, al the suggestion 
of Prof. Charles E. Munroe of the Naval Acad- 
emy, has not, however, revealed any document- 
ary evidence ; but a paper in Ihe Army and Naz'j 
Journal, Nov. 2Z, 1884, p. 325, shows such gutis 
to have been captured by Lieutenant Wjse in the 
" Darien." The guns at Annapolis are provided 
with like chambets, as seen in photographs kindly 
sent to me. Similar chambers are now, or were 
recently, used in firing salules on the Queen's 
birthday in St. James's Park. Cf. Stanley's Dt 
Cama't ycyagti (Hakluyt Society), p. 227. 



cort£s and his companions. 



353 




Meanwhile the rumors of the descent of the Spaniards on the coast had 
certainly hurried to Montezuma at his capital; and his people doubtless 
rehearsed some of the many portents which are said to have been regarded,^ 
We read also of new temples erected, and immense sacrifices of war- 
captives made, to propitiate the deities and avert the dangers which these 

hese ^ This is a reproduction of the map in Arthur 

etc. Helps's Sfaniih Cenguiit, ii, 236. 



354 



NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 




CORTfS AND HIS ABtlSj 



portents and forebodings for years past had indicated to the believing. 
The men of Grijalva had already some months earlier been taken to be 
similar woful visitants, and one of Montezuma's officers had visited Gri- 
jalva's vessel, and made report of the wonders to the Mexican monarch. 

• Copied from a cnt in Gabriel Lasso de la College Library; cf. Carter-Brown, i. 377. The 
Vega's Carth valtraio, — a poem published at same cut is also used in the edition published in 
Madrid in ijSS. There it a cop; in Harvard 1594, then called Mtxicana. 



CORTfS AND HIS COMPANIONS. 



355 



Stadied offices of propitiation had been ordered, when word came back 
that the ship of the bearded meo had vanished. 

The coming of Cortes was but a dreaded return. While his ship lay 
at Juan de Ulloa, two canoes came from the main, and their occupants 
climbed to his deck. No one 
could understand them. The 
rescued Spaniard who had 
been counted on as an inter- 
preter was at a loss. At last 
a female slave, Marina by 
name, taken at Tabasco, 
solved the difficulty. She 
could understand this same 
Spaniard, and knew also Az- 
tec.^ Through this double 
interpretation Cortes now 
learned that the mission of 
his visitors was one of wel- 
come and inquiry. After the 
usual interchange of gifts, 
Cortes sent word to the ca- 
cique that he would soon 
confer with him. He then 
landed a force, established a 
camp, and beg^ to barter 
with the natives. To a chief, 
who soon arrived, Cortes an- 
nounced his intention to seek the presence of Montezuma and to deliver 
the gifts and messages with which he was charged as the ambassador of 
his sovereign. Accordingly, bearing such presents as Cortes cared to 
send forward, native messengers were sent to Montezuma to tell tales of 
the sights they had seen, — the prancing horses and the belching cannon. 
The Mexican king sought to appease the eagerness of the new-comers by 
returning large stores of fabrics and gold, wishing them to be satisfied and 
to depart The gold was not a happy gift to produce such an end. 

Meanwhile Cortes, by his craft, quieted a rising faction of the party 
of Velasquez which demanded to be led back to Cuba. He did this by 
seeming to acquiesce in the demand of his followers in laying the founda- 
tions of a town and constituting its people a municipality competent to 
choose a representative of the royal authority. This done, Cortes resigned 
his commission from Velasquez, and was at once invested with supreme 

' Marina did more. She impressed Cortes, purports to be a likeness of her is given in 

who fonnd her otherwise convenient for a tew Cabajal's Mixice, W. 64. 

jeari; and after she had borne him children, " Fac-simile of the portrait in Cerlis vol- 

mairied her to one of his captains. What eroia. 




GABRIEL LASSO DE LA VEGA.' 



356 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 

power by the new municipality. The scheme which Velasquez had sus- 
pected was thus brought to fruition. Whoever resisted the new captain 
was conquered by force, persuasion, tact, or magnetism; and Cortes 
became as popular as he was irresistible. 

At this point messengers presented themselves from tribes not far off who 
were unwilling subjects of the Aztec power. The presence of possible allies 
was a propitious circumstance, and Cortes proceeded to cultivate the friend- 
ship of these tribes. He moved his camp day by day along the shore, 
inuring his men to marches, while the fleet sailed in company. They 
reached a large city, and were regaled. Each chief told of the tyranny of 
Montezuma, and the eyes of Cortes glistened. The Spaniards went on to 
another town, slaves being provided to bear their burdens. Here they 
found tax-gatherers of Montezuma collecting tribute. Emboldened by 
Cortes' glance, his hosts seized the Aztec emissaries and delivered them 
to the Spaniards. Cortes now played a double game. He propitiated the 
servants of Montezuma by secretly releasing them, and added to his allies 
by enjoining every tribe he could reach to resist the Aztec collectors of 
tribute. 

The wandering municipality, as represented in this piratical army, at last 
stopped at a harbor where a town (La Villa Rica de Vera Cruz) sprang up, 
and became the base of future operations.^ 

Montezuma and his advisers, angered by the reports of the revolt of his 
subjects, had organized a force to proceed against them, when the tax- 
gatherers whom Cortes had released arrived and told the story of Cortfes' 
gentleness and sympathy. It was enough; the rebellion needed no 
such active encounter. The troops were not sent, and messengers were 
despatched to Cortes, assuring the Spanish leader that Montezuma for- 
bore to chastise the entertainers of the white strangers. Cortes now 
produced other of the tax-gatherers whom he had been holding, and 
they and the new embassy went back to Montezuma more impressed 
than before ; while the neighboring people wondered at the deference paid 
by Montezuma's lieutenants to the Spaniards. It was no small gain for 
Cortes to have instigated the equal wonder of two mutually inimical 
factions. 

The Spanish leader took occasion to increase his prestige by despatch- 
ing expeditions hither and thither. Then he learned of efforts made by 
Velasquez to supplant him. To confirm his rule against the Cuban Gov- 
ernor he needed the royal sanction ; and the best way to get that was to 
despatch a vessel with messages to the Emperor, and give him earnest 
of what he might yet expect in piles of gold thrown at his feet. So the 
flagship sailed for Spain ; and in her in command and to conduct his suit 

* Prescott (Mexico^ revised edition, i. 345) transferred to another point still farther south, 

points out how this site was abandoned later — Nueva Vera Cruz. These changes have 

for one farther south, where the town was caused some confusion in the maps of Loren- 

called Vera Cruz Vieja ; and again, early in the zana and others. Cf. the maps in Prescott and 

seventeenth century, the name and town were H. H. Bancroft. 



CORTES AND HIS COMPANIONS. 



357 




CORTis.' 



before the throne, Cortfes sent faithful servitors, such as had influence at 
court, to outwit the emissaries of Velasquez. Sailing in July, touching at 
Cuba long enough to raise the anger of Velasquez, but not long enough for 
him to catch them, these followers of Cortes reached Spain in October, and 
found the agents of Velasquez ready for them. Their vessel was seized, 
and the royal ear was held by Bishop Fonseca and other friends of the 

' After a picture on panel in the Massachu- tetdingj, i. 446, where it b said to have been given 

■eta Historical Society's gallery. It Is described by the family of the late Dt. Foster, of Brighton, 

in the CataJegui of tht Cabtnet of that Sodcly as who received it by inheritance from a Huguenot 

" Restored by Henry Sargent about iSji, and family who brought it to New England after the 

■gain by George Howorth about 1S55." Cf. Pro- Revocation of the Edict of Nantes. 



358 



NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 




' A reproduction of the map in Ruge's Zdt- route followed from the Gulf, with a profile 

alter der Entdtckansftt, p. 363. Similar maps of the country traversed. Bancroft {Mixko, 

are given by Prescolt, Helps, and Bancroft, vol. ii.) gives a map of New Spain as known to 

Cabajal {Mlxko, ii. zoo) gives a map of the the Conquerors. Early maps of Nova Hispania, 



CORTfS AND HIS COMPANIONS. 



359 



Cuban Governor; yet not so effectually but that the duplicate letters of 
Cortds' messengers were put into the Emperor's hand, and the train of 
natives paraded before him. 

Now came the famous resolve of Cortes. He would band his hetero- 
geneous folk together — adherents of Cortes and of Velasquez — in one 
common cause and danger. So he adroitly led them to be partners in 
the deed which he stealthily planned.^ Hulk after hulk of the apparently 
worm-eaten vessels of the fleet sank in the harbor, until there was no 
flotilla left upon which any could desert him. The march to Mexico was 
now assured. The force with which to accomplish this consisted of about 
four hundred and fifty Spaniards, six or seven light guns, fifteen horses, and 
a swarm of Indian slaves and attendants. A body of the Totonacs accom- 
panied them.^ Two or three days brought them into the higher plain and 
its' enlivening vegetation. When they reached the dependencies of Monte- 
zuma, they found orders had been given to extend to them every courtesy. 
They soon reached the Anahuac plateau, which reminded them not a little 
of Spain itself. They passed from cacique to cacique, some of whom 
groaned under the yoke of the Aztec ; but not one dared do more than 
orders from Montezuma dictated. Then the invaders approached the 
territory of an independent people, those of Tlascala, who had walled their 
country against neighboring enemies. A fight took place at the frontiers, 
in which the Spaniards lost two horses. They forced passes against great 
odds, but again lost a horse or two, — which was a perceptible diminution 
of their power to terrify. The accounts speak of immense hordes of the 
Tlascalans, which historians now take with allowances, great or small. 
Cortes spread what alarm he could by burning villages and capturing the 
country people. His greatest obstacle soon appeared in the compacted 
army pf Tlascalans arrayed in his front. The conflict which ensued was 
for a while doubtful. Every horse was hurt, and sixty Spaniards were 
wounded ; but the result was the retreat of the Tlascalans. Divining that 
the Spanish power was derived from the sun, the enemy planned a night 
attack; but Cortes suspected it, and assaulted them in their own ambush. 

Cortes now had an opportunity to display his double-facedness and his 
wiles. He received embassies both from Montezuma and from the senate 
of the Tlascalans. He cajoled each, and played off his friendship for the 
one in cementing an alliance with the other. But to Tlascala and Mexico 
he would go, so he told them. The Tlascalans were not averse, for they 



or New Spain, are not infrequent. C£. Blaeu's 
Atlas, De Bry, several issued by Vander Aa, 
of Amsterdam, the Brussels edition (1704) 
of Soils, Lorenzana's Cortis (1770), and various 
others. 

^ There is some discrepancy in the authori- 
ties here as regards the openness or stealth of 
Jic act of destroying the fleet. See the authori- 



ties collated in Prescott, Mexico, new edition, i. 

369* 370- 

2 The estimates of numbers in all the opera- 
tions throughout the Conquest differ widely, 
sometimes very widely, according to different 
authorities. The student will find much of the 
collation of these opposing statements done for 
him in the notes of Prescott and Bancroft. 



360 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 




CORrfS.' 



thought it boded no good to the Aztecs if he could be bound to them* 
selves. Montezuma dreaded the contact, and tried to intimidate the 
strangers by tales of the horrible difficulties of the journey. 

■ Fac-iimile of an engraving on copper in the II is inscribed : " Cavato da vn originate fano iSul 
edition of Solii printed at Venice in 1715, p. 29. chel si portassi alia Canqvista del MessicO'" 



cort£s and his companions. 



361 




MONTEZUMA. 



> This cut of the " Rex ultimus Mexica> not apparent, and the picture seema qaettlOft- 

Bonun" is a fac-simile from Monlanus and able. Prescott, in his second volume, gives a 

Ogilby, p. >53. The source of the likeness is likeness, which belonged lo the descendants of 
VOL. n. — 46. 



362 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 

Presentiy the army took up its march for Tlascala, where they were 
royally received, and wives in abundance were bestowed upon the leaders. 
Next they passed to Cholula, which was subject to the Aztecs ; and here 
the Spaniards were received with as much welcome as could be expected 
to be bestowed on strangers with the hostile Tlascalans in their train. 
The scant welcome covered treachery, and Cortes met it boldly. Murder 
and plunder impressed the Cholulans with his power, and gave some sweet 
revenge to his allies. Through the wiles of Cort& a seeming reconciliation 
at last was effected between these neighboring enemies. But the massacre 
of Cholula was not a pastime, the treachery of Montezuma not forgotten ; 
and the march was again resumed, about six thousand native allies of one 
tribe and another following the army. The passage of a defile brought 
the broad Valley of Mexico into view; and Montezuma, awed by the com- 
ing host, sent a courtier to* personate him and to prevail upon Cortes to 
avoid the city. The trick and the plea were futile. On to one of the 
aquatic cities of the Mexican lakes the Spaniards went, and were received 
in great state by a vassal lord of Montezuma, who now invited the Spanish 
leader to the Aztec city. On they went. Town after town received them ; 
and finally, just without his city, Montezuma, in all his finery and pomp, met 
the Spanish visitors, bade them welcome, and committed them to an escort 
which he had provided. It was the 8th of November, 15 19. Later in his 
own palace, in the quarters which had been assigned to Cortes, and on 
several occasions, the two indulged in reciprocal courtesies and watched 
each other. Cortes was not without fear, and his allies warned him of 
Aztec treachery. His way to check foul designs was the bold one of seiz- 
ing Montezuma and holding him as a hostage ; and he did so under pretence 
of honoring him. A chieftain who had attacked a party of the Spaniards 
by orders of Montezuma some time before, was executed in front of the 
palace. Montezuma himself was subjected for a while to chains. Expedi- 
tions were sent out with impunity to search for gold mines ; others explored 
the coast for harbors. A new governor was sent back to Villa Rica, and he 
sent up shipwrights ; so it was not long before Cortes commanded a flotilla 
on the city lakes, and the captive king was regaled with aquatic sports. 

the Aztec king, the Counts of Miravalle. It is representing a coarse Aztec warrior, and the na- 

claimed to have been painted by an artist, Mai- tive picture in Carbajal Espinosa's Historia de 

donado, who accompanied Cortes ; but, on the Mexico (Mexico, 1862) as purely conventional, 

other hand, some have represented it as an ideal The same writer thinks the colored portrait, 

portrait painted after the Conquest. Prescott ** peint par ordre de Cortes," in Linati*s CV?j/j2iw« 

(vol. ii. p. 72) makes up his description of Mon- et mamrs de Mexique (Brussels) conforms to the 

tezuma from various early authorities, — Diaz, descriptions ; while that in Clavigero's Storia 

Zuazo (MS.), Ixtlilxochitl, Gomara, Oviedo, fl«//V^ </<f//7/^'j-j/V<7 (1780) is too small to be satis- 

Acosta, Sahagun, Toribio, etc., particularizing factory. The line of Montezuma's descendants is 

the references. H. H. Bancroft (Mexico^ i. 285) traced in Prescott, Mexico^ ii. 339, iii. 446, and in 

also depicts him from the early sources. He is Bancroft, Mexico^ i. 459. Cf. also the portrait 

made of an age from forty to fift>'-four by different of Montezuma, "d*apr^s Sandoval," given in 

writers ; but the younger period is thought by Charton*s Voyageurs^ iii. 393, and that in Cum^ 

most to be nearest. Bancroft refers to the prints plido's Mexican edition of Prescott's Mexico 

in Th. Armin's Das alU Mexico (Leipsic, 1S65) as vol. iii. 



CORTES AND HIS COMPANIONS. 



363 




3 dal' Mexico ai 



NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 




MEXICO BEFORE THE CONQUEST,' 

Then came symptoms of conspiracy among the native nobles, with the 
object of overthrowing the insolent strangers; and Cacama, a nephew 
of Montezuma and a chief among them, indulged the hope of seizing the 



I This is reduced from the cut in Henr; Ste- 
vens's Amtruan BibliBgrapAer, p. 86, which in 
turn is reproduced from the edition of Cortis' 
letters published at Nuremberg in 15J4. Ban- 
croft in his Mexico (vol. i. p. 180) gives a greatly 
rednced sketch of the same plan, and adds to 
ft a description and references to the various 
sources of our information regarding the Azlec 
town; and this nay be compared with (he same 
taOiox'* hain't /tatei, ii. j€o. Helps describes 



the city in his S/aniiA Conipieit [New York 
ed., ii. 177, 4:3). where he thinks that the earl^ 
chroniclers failed to make clear the full num- 
ber of the causeways connecting the town with 
the main, and traversing the lake, PrescotI 
describes it in his Mexico (Kirk's ed., ii. 101). 
and discredits the plan given in Bullock's Mix- 
ics as one prepared by Montezuma for Cortes. 
This last plan is also given in Carbajal's Hittf- 
ria dt Mixico (t86i], ii. zai. The nearly equaJ 



CORTES AND HIS COMPANIONS. 365 

throne itself. Montezuma protested to his people that his durance was 
directed by the gods, and counselled caution. When this did not suffice, 
he gave orders, at the instigation of Cortes, to seize Cacama, who was 
brought to Mexico and placed in irons. The will of Cortes effected other 
displacements of the rural chiefs; and the allegiance of Montezuma to 
the Spanish sovereign became very soon as sure and abject as forms could 
make it. 

Tribute was ordered, and trains bore into the city wealth from all the 
provinces, — to be the cause of heart-burnings and quarrels in the hour 
of distribution. The Aztec king and the priests were compelled to order 
the removal of idols from their temples, and to see the cross and altar 
erected in their places. 

Meanwhile the difficulties of Cortes were increasing. The desecration 
of the idols had strengthened the party of revolt, and Montezuma was 
powerless to quiet them. He warned the Spaniards of their danger. 
Cortes, to dispel apprehension, sent men to the coast with the ostensible 
purpose of building ships for departure. It was but a trick, however, 
to gain time ; for he was now expecting a response to his letters sent to 
Spain, and he hoped for supplies and a royal commission which might 
enable him to draw reinforcements from Cuba. 

The renegade leader, however, had little knowledge of what was plan- 
ning at this very moment in that island. Velasquez de Cuellar, acting under 
a sufficient commission, had organized an expedition to pursue Cortes, and 
had given the command of it to Panfilo de Narvaez. The friends of Cortes 
and those who dreaded a fratricidal war joined in representations to the 
audienciay which sent Lucas Vasquez de Aillon to prevent an outbreak. 
The fleet under Narvaez left Cuba, Aillon on board, with instructions to 
reach a peaceable agreement with Cortes ; but this failing, they were to 
seek other regions. In April, 1520, after some mishaps, the fleet, which 
had been the largest ever seen in those waters, anchored at San Juan de 
Ulloa, where they got stories of the great success of Cortes from some 
deserters of one of his exploring parties. On the other hand, these same 
deserters, learning from Narvaez the strength and purpose of the new- 
comers, — for the restraint of Aillon proved ineffectual, — communicated 
with the neighboring caciques ; and the news was not slow in travelling to 

distance on all sides at which the shores of the Tcmixtitlan-Mexico (1555) ; but in the end the 

lake stand from the town is characteristic of more pronounceable part survived, and the rest 

this earliest of the plans (1524); and in this was lost. Cf. Bancroft, -^/<rjr/V^, i. 12-14, with ref- 

particular it is followed in various plans and erences. The correspondence of sites in the 

bird's-eye views of the town of the sixteenth present city as compared with those of the Aztec 

century, and in some of a later date. The Aztec time and of the conquerors, is examined in 

town had been founded in 1325, and had been Alaman's Discertaciones sobre la historia cU la 

more commonly called Tenochtitlan, which the republica M^jtcana (Mexico, 1844-1849), ii. 202, 

Spaniards turned into Temixtitan and Tenus- 246; Carbajal Espinosa's Historia de MixicOf 

titan, the term Mexico being properly applied ii. 226, and by Ramirez in the Mexican edition 

to one of the principal wards of the city, of Prescott. Cf. Ant du Pinet's Descriptions de 

The two names were first sometimes joined, as plusieurs villes et forteresses^ Lyon, 1564. 



jfio NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 




1.[ MeCantaiio Don PEDRO de JiLVAKADO 
de'^adoAoz.,'^ 



Montezuma, who heard it not long after the mock submission of Cortfe 
and the despatching of the ship-builders to the coast. Narvaez next tried, 
in vain, to swerve Velasquez de Leon from his fidelity to Cortes, — ■ for this 
officer was exploring with a party in the neighborhood of the coast San- 
doval, in command at Villa Rica, learned Narvaez' purposes from spies; 
and when messengers came to demand the surrender of the town, an 
altercation ensued, and the chief messengers were seized and sent to 
Cortes. The Conqueror received them kindly, and, overcoming their 
aversion, he sent them back to Narvaez with letters and gifts calculated 

■ Fac«imiie of an engraving in Herrera, it. is given in Cabajal's Mixico, ii. 341 ; in the 

174. For appearance and other portraits, see Proctm de reiidinaa imitra Ptdro de Alvaradt 

Bancroft. jVi-xKa, i. 75. One of a sinister aspect {Mexico, 1S47); and in Cumplido's Mexican 

often engraved, but which Ramirez distrusts, edition of FtescotC's Mixica, vol. lii. 



CORTfiS AND HIS COMPANIONS. 



367 



to conciliate. While many under Narvaez were affected, the new leader 
remained stubborn, seized Aillon, who was endeavoring to mediate, and 
sent him on shipboard with orders to sail for Cuba. Thus the arro- 
gance of Narvaez was greatly helping Cortes in his not very welcome 
environment. 

Cortes now boldly divided his force ; and leaving Alvarado behind with 
perhaps one hundred and forty men, — for the accounts differ,^ — and tak- 
ing half that number with him, beside native guides and carriers, marched 
to confront Narvaez. Velasquez de Leon with his force joined him on 
the way, and a little later Sandoval brought further reinforcements; so 
that Cortes had now a detachment of nearly three hundred men. Cortes 
had prudently furnished them long native lances, with which to meet 
Narvaez* cavalry, for his own horsemen were very few. Adroitness on 
the part of Cortes and a show of gold had their effect upon messen- 
gers who, with one demand and another, were sent to him by Narvaez. 
Velasquez was sent by Cortes to the enemy's camp; but the chief gain 
to Cortes from this manoeuvre was a more intimate knowledge of the army 
and purpose of Narvaez. He then resolved to attack the intruder, — 
who, however, became aware of the intention of Cortes, but, under the 
stress of a storm, unaccountably relaxed his precautions. Cortes took 
advantage of this careless- 
ness; and attacking boldly 
by night, carried everything 
before him, and captured 
the rival leader. The loss 
was but small to either side. 
The followers of the invader 

now became adherents of ^ yR^V^n MA 

Cort6s, and were a powerful /^ \\OjVtiyyU 

aid in his future move- 
ments.^ The same good 
fortune had given him pos- 
session of the invader's fleet. 





AUTOGRAPH OF PEDRO DE ALVARADO.* 



Meanwhile there were 
stirring times with Alvarado 
in Mexico. The Aztecs 

prepared to celebrate a high religious festival. Alvarado learned, or 
pretended to learn, that the disaffected native chiefs were planning to 
rise upon the Spaniards at its close. So he anticipated their scheme by 
attacking them while at their worship and unarmed. Six hundred or more 



1 H. H. Bancroft (Mexico^ i. 378) and Pres- Cortes now commanded; cf. H. H. Bancroft, 

cott (new edition vol. ii., p. 231) collate the Mexico^ i. 424. 

authorities. ^ Copied from a fac-simile in Cabajal's 

^ There are a variety of views as to the force Mexico, ii. 686. 



368 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 

of the leading men were thus slain. The multitude without the temple 
were infuriated, and the Spaniards regained their quarters, not without diffi- 
culty, Alvarado himself being wounded. Behind their defences they man- 
aged to resist attack till succor came. 

Cortes, who had learned of the events, was advancing, attaching to him- 
self the peoples who were inimical to the Aztecs ; but as he got within the 
Aztec influence he found more sullenness than favor. When he entered 
Mexico he was not resisted. The city seemed almost abandoned as his 
force made their way to the Spanish fort and entered its gates. 

As a means of getting supplies, Cortes ordered the release of a brother 
of Montezuma, who at once used his liberty to plan an insurrection. An 
attack on the Spanish quarters followed, which Cortes sought to repel by 
sorties; but they gained little. The siege was so roughly pressed that 
Cortes urged Montezuma to present himself on the parapet and check the 
fierceness of the assault. The captive put on his robes of state and addressed 
the multitude ; but he only became the target of their missiles, and was 
struck down by a stone.^ The condition of the Spaniards soon became 
perilous in the extreme. A parley with the chief of the Aztecs was of no 
avail ; and Cortes resolved to cut his way along the shortest causeway from 
the city, to the mainland bordering the lake. In this he failed. Meanwhile 
a part of his force were endeavoring to secure the summit of a neighboring 
pyramid, from which the Mexicans had annoyed the garrison of the fort. 
Cortes joined in this attack, and it was successful. The defenders of the 
temples on its summit were all killed or hurled from the height, and Cortes 
was master of the spot. 

Events followed quickly in this June of 1520. There was evidently 
a strong will in command of the Mexicans. The brother of Montezuma 
was a doughtier foe than the King had been. The temporary success 
on the pyramid had not diminished the anxiety of Cortes. Montezuma 
was now dying on his hands. The King had not recovered from the 
injuries which his own people had inflicted, and sinking spirits completed 
the work of the mob. On the 30th of June he died, at the age of forty-one, 
having been on the throne since 1503.^ Cortes had hoped for some turn 
of fortune from this event; but none came. He was more than ever con- 
vinced of the necessity of evacuating the city. Another sortie had failed 
as before; and the passage of the causeway was again planned for the 
evening of that day.^ The order of march, as arranged, included the whole 
Spanish force and about six thousand allies. Pontoons of a rough de- 
scription were contrived for bridging the chasms in the causeway. As 
many jewels and gold as would not encumber them were taken, together 

1 Prescott (MexicOi new ed., ii. 309) collates out of the fort. Indignities were offered it ; but 

the diverse accounts. some of the imperial party got possession of it, 

* It must be mentioned that the Spaniards and buried it with such honor as the times 

have been accused of murdering Montezuma, permitted. 

Bancroft ( Mexico^ i. 464) collates the different ' There are difficulties about the exact datej 

views of the authorities. Cortes sent the body cf. H. H. Bancroft, Mexico^ i. 472. 



CORTfiS AND HIS COMPANIONS. 



369 



with such prisoners of distinction as remained to them, besides the sick and 
wounded. 

A drizzling rain favored their retreat; but the Mexicans were finally 
aroused, and attacked their rear. A hundred or more Spaniards were cut 
off, and retreated to the fort, where they surrendered a few days later, 
and were sacri- 
ficed. The rest, 
after losses and 
much tribulation, 
reached the main- 
' land. Nothing but 
the failure of the 
Mexicans to pur- 
sue the Spaniards, 
weakened as they 
were, saved Cortes 
from annihilation. 
The Aztecs were 
too busy with their 
successes ; for 
forty Spaniards, 
not to speak of 
numerous allies, 
had been taken, 
and were to be 
immolated ; and 
rites were to be 
performed over 
their own dead. 

Cortes the next 
morning was marshalling the sorry crowd which was left of his army, 
when a new attack was threatened. His twelve hundred and fifty Span- 
iards and six thousand allies had been reduced respectively to five hundred 
and two thousand ; ^ and he was gfad to make a temple, which was hard 
by, a place of refuge and defence. Here he had an opportunity to count 
his losses. His cannon and prisoners were all gone. Some of his bravest 
officers did not respond to his call. He could count but twenty-four of 

1 This ii ihc map given by Helps in his as Helps does. The map in Bancroft (vol. i. 

Sfaniih Con,/tii:sf. One of the differences in p. 583) is still different in this respect. There 

the variety of maps which have been offered is also a plan of ihc cilv and surrounding coun- 

of the Valley of Mexico, to illustrate llic con- try in Cabajal's J/Jj-iVi-h-ol. 11. p. 538) ; and two 

quest by Cortes, consists in the number and others have been elsewhere given in the pres- 

direction of the causeways. The description ent volume (pp. 364, 379). 

and the remains of the structures themselves * Bancroft (.l/'^'j/ii'. 1.488) collates the various 

have not sufficed to make invcstigalor.-i of one authorities; so does Prescoti { Mtxico, atii eA., 

mind respecting them. Prcscott (Kirk's ed.. ii. 3C4] of the losses of this famous Iriitt 

vol. ii.) does not represent so tnai*- caustways A'ti./it. 
VOL. II. —47. 




HELPSS MAP.' 



SAJtJLATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 



•X four score of horses. After dark he resumed his march. 
J2=r5 suU worried him, and hunger weakened his men. He lost 
rjnKS at one point, and was himself badly wounded. Reach- 
;sir 3. 7;"ain on the 7th of July, the Spaniards confronted a large force 

drawn up against 
them. Cort6s 
had but seven 
muskets left, and 
no powder ; so 
he trusted to pike 
and sabre. With 
these he rushed 
upon them; but 
the swarm of the 
enemy was too 
great. At last, 
however, making 
a dash with some 
horsemen at the 
native comman- 
der, who was rec- 
ognized by his 
state and banner, 
the Mexican was 
hurled prostrate 
and killed, and 
the trophy cap- 
tured. The spell 
was broken, and the little band of Spaniards and their allies hounded the 
craven enemy in every direction. This victory at Otumba (Otompan) 
was complete and astounding. 

The march was resumed ; and not till within the Tlascalan borders was 
there any respite and rest. In the capital of his allies Cortes breathed 
freer. He learned, however, <A misfortunes to detached parties of Span- 
iards which had been sent out from Villa Kica. He soon got some small 
supplies of ammunition and m';n from that seaport. Amid all this, Cortes 
himself succumbed ft a f'.-ver from hi^ woundi, and barely escaped death. 

Meantime Cuitlahuatzin, th': -.;j'y,'r-;-.f;jl broth'^rof Montezuma, had been 
crowned in Mexico, wh'.r*; a r/i;..ta,'y Ji\<: 'improved by what the Spaniards 
had taught them^ w:i'v 'w^n', '.'::':. >A '\\\'-. wi-u monarch sent ambassadors 
to try to win the Tlav.al*!.-. i:',t:. '':.'.r f.'l-Mty to Cort^^ ; but the scheme 
failed, and Cort'i'i j;'/t r':rt'#"I s'.'T.v'ii ;,'. fh*: f;iM purpose of his allies. 




-C)-*^^^'^^^^*^^ -"" 



TREE OF TRISTE NOCHE.* 



' This cut i» })r,tt'iii'A (1 
aa'iif, January, tK74, I- 171. > 



» /r,r/'r-^ . 



cort£s and his companions. 



37» 




His prompt and defiant ambition again overcame the discontents among 
his own men, and induced him to take the field once more against the 
Tepeacans, enemies of the Tlascalans, who lived near by. It took about 
a month to subdue the whole province. Other strongholds of Aztec 
influence fell one by one. The prestige of the Spanish arms was rapidly 
re-established, and the Aztec forces went down before them here and there 
in detachments. New arrivals on the coast pronounced for Cortes, and 
two hundred men and twenty horses soon joined his army. The small-pox, 
which the Spaniards had introduced, speedily worked more disaster than 
the Spaniards, as it spread through the country; and among the victims 
of it was the new monarch of the Aztecs, leaving the throne open to the 
succession of Quauhtemotzin, a nephew and son-in-law of Montezuma. 

On the 30th of October, 1520, Cortes addressed his second letter to the 
Emperor Charles V. He and his adherents craved confirmation for his 



' Fac-simile of a woodcut of Charle; 



V. in PjuH Joi'ii ehgia :-.> 



Z12 



NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 



acts, and reinforcements. Other letters were despatched to Hispaniola and 
Jamaica for recruits and supplies. Some misfortunes prevented the prompt 
sailing of the vessel for Spain, and Cortes was enabled to join a supple- 
mental letter to the Emperor. The vessels also carried away some of the 
disaffected, whom Cortes was not sorry to lose, now that others had joined 
him. 

Meanwhile Cortes had established among the Tepeacans a post of ob- 
servation named Segura; and from this centre Sandoval made a success- 
ful incursion among the Aztec dependencies. Cortes himself was again 
at Tlascala, settling the succession of its government; for the small-pox 




AUTOGRAPH OF CHARLES V. 

had carried off Maxixcatzin, the firm friend of the Spaniards. Here Cortfes 
set carpenters to work constructing brigantines, which he intended to 
carry to Tezcuco, on the Lake of Mexico, where it was now his purpose 
to establish the base of future operations against the Aztec capital. The 
opportune arrival of a ship at Villa Rica with supplies and materials of 
war was very helpful to him. 

Cortes first animated all by a review of his forces, and then went 
forward with the advance toward Tezcuco. He encountered little opposi- 
tion, and entered the town to find the inhabitants divided in their fears and 
sympathies. Many had fled toward Mexico, including the ruler who had 
supplanted the one given them by Cort6s and Montezuma. Under the 
instigation of Cortes a new one was chosen whom he could trust. 

Cortes began his approach to Mexico by attacking and capturing, with 
great loss to the inhabitants, one of the lake towns ; but the enemy, cutting 
a dike and flooding the place, forced the retirement of the invaders, who 
fell back to Tezcuco. Enough had been accomplished to cause many of 



CORTfiS AND HIS COMPANIONS. 373 




1.1 InyictUl^imo £.mperador CARLOS 



Q,uiritc 'Rcj,' naturaJ dc Costilla 
if de L eon etc . 



the districts dependent on the Aztecs to send in embassies of submission; 

and Cortes found that he was daily gaining ground. Sandoval was sent 
back to TIascala to convoy the now completed brigantines, which were 
borne in pieces on the shoulders of eight thousand carriers. Pending the 
launching of the fleet, Cortes conducted a reconnoissance round the north 
end of the lakes to the scene of his sorrowful night evacuation, hoping for 
an interview with an Aztec chief In this, however, he failed, and returned 
to Tezcuco. Then followed some successful fighting on the line of com- 

1 Fac-simi1« of an engraving ii 
84. Cf. the fuU-leneth likeness g 



374 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 




TOPOGRAPHY OF THE MEXICAN VALLEV,* 



munication with the coast, which enabled Cortes to bring up safely some 
important munitions, besides two hundred soldiers, who had lately reached 
Villa Rica from the islands whither he had sent for help the previous 

' This is the map given in Wilson's AVw lime, in opposition to the usual view that at the 
Conqiust of AfixUo. p. 390, in which he tnakes period of the Conquest the waters of the lake 
the present topography represent that nf Cortes' covered (he parts here represented as marsh. 



CORTfiS AND HIS COMPANIONS. 



375 



autumn. The Spanish leader now conducted another reconnoissance into 
the southern borders of the Mexican Valley, — a movement which over- 
came much opposition, — and selected Coyohuacan as a base of operations 
on that side against the Aztec city. After this he returned to Tezcuco, and 
was put to the necessity of quelling an insurrection, in which his own death 
had been planned. 

At last the brigantines were launched. At the command of Cortes the 
allies mustered. On the 28th of April, 1521, the Spanish general counted 
his own countrymen, and found he had over nine hundred in all, including 
eighty-seven horsemen. He had three heavy guns, and fifteen smaller 
ones, which were mostly in the fleet. Cortes kept immediate charge of the 
brigantines, and allotted the main divisions of the army to Alvarado, Olid, 
and Sandoval. The land forces proceeded to occupy the approaches which 



The waters of Tezcuco are at present seven or 
eight feet (Prescott says four feet) below the 
level of the city, and Wilson contends that they 
did not in Cortes' time much exceed in extent 
their present limits ; and it is one of his argu- 
ments against Cortes* representations of deep 
water about the causeways that such a level 
of the lake would have put the town of Tezcuco 
six or seven feet under water. Wilson gives 
his views on this point at length in his Nno 
Conquest^ pp. 452-460. The map will be seen 
also to show the line of General Scott's ap- 
proach to the city in 1847. (Cf. Prof. Henry 
Coppee on the " Coincidences of the Conquests 
of Mexico, 1 520-1847," in the Journal of the 
Military Service Institution^ M^rch^ 1884.) The 
modern city of Mexico lies remote by several 
miles from the banks of the lake which repre- 
sents to-day the water commonly held to have 
surrounded the town in the days of the Cpn- 
quest. The question of the shrinking of the 
lagunes is examined in Orozco y Berra's /W- 
moire pour la carte hydrographique dc la ValUe 
de Mexico^ and by Jourdanet in his Injliunce 
de la pression de Pair sur la vie de Chornvte^ 
p. 4S6. A colored map prepared for this latter 
book was also introduced by Jourdanet in his 
edition of Sahagun (1880), where (p. xxviii) he 
again examines the question. From that map 
the one here presented was taken, and 
the marsh surrounding " Lac de Texcoco " 
marks the supposed limits of the lake in Mon- 
tezuma's time. Jourdanet's map is called, 
" Carte hydrographique de la Vallee de Mexico 
d'apres les travaux de la Commission de la 
Vallee en 1862, avec addition dcs ancienncs 
limites du Lac de Texcoco." 

Humboldt in his Essai politique sur la Nou- 
velle Espagne^ while studying this problem of 
the original bounds of the water, gives a map 
defining them as traced in 1804-1807 ; and this 
is reproduced in John Black's translation of 
Humboldt's Personal Essay on the Kingdom of 



New Spaifty third edition, London, 1822. Hum- 
boldt gives accounts of earlier attempts to map 
the valley with something like accuracy, as was 
the case with the Lopez map of 1785. Siguenza*s 
map of the sixteenth century, though false, has 
successively supplied, through the publication 
of it which Alzate made in 1786, the geogra- 
phical data of many more modem maps. Cf. 
the map in Cumplido's edition of Prescott's 
Mexico (1846), vol. iii., and the enumeration of 
maps of the valley given in Orozco y Berra's 
Cartografa Mexicaua, pp. 315-316. 

A map of Mexico and the lake also appeared 
in Le petit atlas maritime (Paris, 1764) ; and this 
is given in fac-simile in the Proceedings of the 
American Philosophical Society^ xxi. 616, in con- 
nection with a translation of the Codex Ramirez 
by Henry Phillips, Jr. 

There is reason to believe that the decrease 
in the waters had begun to be perceptible in 
the time of Cortes ; and Humboldt traces the 
present subsidence to the destruction of neigh- 
boring forests. Bernal Diaz makes record of 
the changes observable within his recollection, 
and he wrote his account fifty years after the 
Conquest. 

The geographers of the eighteenth century 
often made the waters of the valley flow into 
the Pacific. The map in the 1704 edition of 
Solis shows this ; so do the maps of Bower and 
other English cartographers, as well as the map 
from Herrera on a later page (p. 392). 

The inundations to which the citv has been 
subjected (the most serious of which was in 
1629), and the works planned for its protec- 
tion from such devastations are the subject of 
a rare book by Cepeda and Carillo, Relacion 
universal del sitio en que esta fundada la ciudad 
de Mexico (Mexico, 1637). Copies are found 
complete and incomplete. Cf. Carter-Brown, 
ii. 441 ; Lcclerc, no. 1,095, complete, 400 francs, 
and no. 1,096, incomplete, 200 francs; Quaritch, 
incomplete, ;^io. 



376 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 

the reconnoissances had indicated, — Alvarado at Tlacopan, Olid at Coyo- 
huacan, on the westerly shores of the lake, and, later, Sandoval at Iztapa- 
lapan, on the eastern side. Each of these places commanded the entrance 
to causeways leading to the city. The land forces were no sooner in posi- 
tion than Cort6s appeared with his fleet. The Aztecs attacked the brigan- 
tines with several hundred canoes; but Cortes easily overcame all, and 
established his naval supremacy. He then turned to assist Olid and Alva- 
rado, who were advancing along their respective causeways ; and the strong- 
hold, Xoloc, at the junction of the causeway, was easily carried. Here the 
besiegers maintained themselves with an occasional fight, while Sandoval 
was sent to occupy Tepeyacac, which commanded the outer end of the 
northern causeway. This completed the investment. A simultaneous 
attack was now made from the three camps. The force from Xoloc alone 
succeeded in entering the city; but the advantage gained was lost, and 
Cortes, who was with this column, drew his forces back to camp. His 
success, however, was enough to impress the surrounding people, who were 
watching the signs ; and various messengers came and offered the submission 
of their people to the Spaniards. The attacks were renewed on subsequent 
days ; and little by little the torch was applied, and the habitable part of 
the town grew less and less. The lake towns as they submitted furnished 
flotillas, which aided the brigantines much in their incursions into the 
canals of the town. For a while the Mexicans maintained night commu- 
nication across the lake for supplies ; but the brigantines at last stopped 
this precarious traffic. 

Alvarado on his side had made little progress; but the market of 
Tlatelulco was nearer him, and that was a point within the city which it 
was desirable to reach and fortify. Sandoval was joined to Alvarado, 
who increased the vigor of his assault, while Cortes again attacked on the 
other side. The movement failed, and the Mexicans were greatly encour- 
aged. The Spaniards, from their camps, saw by the blaze of the illumina- 
tions on the temple tops the sacrifice of their companions who had been 
captured in the fight. The bonds that kept the native allies in subjection 
were becoming, under these reverses, more sensibly loosened day by day, 
and Cort6s spared several detachments from his weakened force to raid in 
various directions to preserve the prestige of the Spanish power. 

The attack was now resumed on a different plan. The fighting-men led 
the way and kept the Mexicans at bay ; while the native auxiliaries razed 
every building as they went, leaving no cover for the Aztec marauders. 
The demolition extended gradually to the line of Alvarado's approach, 
and communication was opened with him. This leader was now approach- 
ing the great market-place, Tlatelulco. By renewed efforts he gained it, 
only to lose it; but the next day he succeeded better, and formed a 
junction with Cortes. Not more than an eighth part of the city was now in 
the hands of its inhabitants; and here pestilence and famine were the 
Spaniards* prompt allies. Still the Aztec King, Quauhtemotzin, scorned to 



378 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 

yield; and the slaughter went on from day to day, till finally, on the 13th 
of August, 1 52 1, the end came. The royal Aztec was captured, trying to 
escape in a boat ; and there was no one left to fight Of the thousand Span- 
iards who had done the work about a tenth had succumbed ; and probably 
something like the same proportion among the many thousand allies. The 
Mexican loss must have been far greater, perhaps several times greater.^ 
The Spaniards were no sooner in possession than quarrels began over the 
booty. Far less was found than was hoped for, and torture was applied, 
with no success, to discover the hiding-places. The captive prince was 
not spared this indignity. Cortes was accused of appropriating an undue 
share of what was found, and hot feelings for a while prevailed. 

The conquest now had to be maintained by the occupation of the country ; 
and the question was debated whether to build the new capital on the 
ruins of Mexico, or to establish it at Tezcuco or Coyohuacan. Cortes pre- 
ferred the prestige of the traditional site, and so the new Spanish town rose 
on the ruins of the Aztec capital ; the Spanish quarter being formed about 
the square of Tenochtitlan (known in the early books usually as Temix- 
titan), which was separated by a wide canal from the Indian settlement 
clustered about Tlatelulco. Two additional causeways were constructed, 
and the Aztec aqueduct was restored. Inducements were offered to neigh- 
boring tribes to settle in the city, and districts were assigned to them. 

be traced back as a sketch to the much less (1704), p. 261, reproduced in the English edition 

elaborate one given by Bordone in his Libra of of 1724 ; in La Croix* Algemeene IVeereld Bes- 

1528, later called his Isolario, which was accora- chryving (1705) ; in Herrera (edition of I728)> 

panied by one of the earliest descriptions by p. 399; in Clavigero (1780), giving the lake 

a writer not a conqueror. Bancroft {Mexico, ii. and the town (copied in Verne's D^cauverte de 

14) gives a small outline engraving of a similar la Terre, p. 24S), and also a map of Anahuac, 

picture, and recapitulates the authorities on the both reproduced in the London (1787) and 

rebuilding of the city by Cortes. The Cathe- Philadelphia (1817) editions, as well as in the 

dral, however, was not })egun till 1573, and was Spanish edition published at Mexico in 1844; 

over sixty years in building (Ibid., iii. 173). in Solis, edition of 1783 (Madrid), where the 

One of the most interesting of the early lake is given an indefinite extension ; in Keat- 

accounts, accompanied as it was with a plan of ing's edition of Bemal Diaz, besides engraved 

the town and lake, made part of the narrative plates by the Dutch publisher Vander Aa. 

of the "Anonymous Conqueror." This picture The account of Mexico in 1554 written by 

has been reproduced by Icazbalceta in his CoUc- Francisco Cervantes Salazar, and republished 

cion ( i. 390) from the engraving in Kamusio, with annotations by Icazbalceta in 1875 (Carter- 

whcnce we derive our only knowledge of this Brown, i. 595) is helpful in this study of the 

anonymous writer. The Ramusio plan is also ancient town. Cf. "Mexico et ses environs en 

given on the next page. 1 554,*' by L. Massbieau, in the Rrvue de giogra- 

The plate used in the 1572 edition of Por- phicy October, 1878. 

cacolii (p. 10$) served for many successive cdi- A descriptive book, Sitio, naturaleza y pro- 

tions. Another plan of the same year showing priedades de la ciudad de Mexico^ by Dr. Diego 

an oval lake surrounding the town, is found in Cisncros, ])ublished at Mexico in 161S, is become 

Braun and IIogcnlx:rg*s Civitates orbis terrarum very rare. Rich in 1832 priced a copy at £(> 

(Cologne, 1572), and of later dates, and the 6j.,— a great sum for those days (Sabin, vol. iv. 

French edition, ThiAtre des citis du monde (Brus- no. 13,146; Carter-Brown, ii. 199). 

sels, 1574), i. 59. A similar outline character- ^ The figuics usually given are enormous, 

izcs the small woodcut (6x6 inches) which and often greatly vary with the different authori- 

is found in Miinst(r's Cosmof^raphia (1598), ties. In this as in other cases where numbers 

p. dccccxiiii. are mentioned, Prescott and Bancroft collate 

I^ter views and plans appeared in Gott- the several reckonings which hnve been 

friedt's Ne^ve Welt (1655); in Solis's Couquista recorded. 




MEXICO (A fat-,im,U frSK Ramusio). 



380 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 

Thus were hewers of wood and drawers of water abundantly secured. But 
Mexico never regained with the natives the dominance which the Aztecs 
had given it. Its population was smaller, and a similar decadence marked 
the fate of the other chief towns ; Spanish rule and disease checked their 
growth. Even Tezcuco and Tlascala soon learned what it was to be the 
dependents of the conquerors. 

Cortes speedily decided upon further conquests. The Aztec tribute- 
rolls told him of the comparative wealth of the provinces, and the turbulent 
spirits among his men were best controlled in campaigns. He needed 
powder, so he sent some bold men to the crater of Popocatepetl to get 
sulphur. They secured it, but did not repeat the experiment Cortes 
also needed cannon. The Aztecs had no iron, but sufficient copper; and 
finding a tin mine, his craftsmen made a gun-metal, which soon increased 
his artillery to a hundred pieces. 

Expeditions were now despatched hither and thither, and province after 

province succumbed. Other regions sent in their princes and chief men 

with gifts and words of submission. The reports which came back of the 

great southern sea opened new visions ; and Cort6s sent expeditions to 

find ports and build vessels; and thus Zacalula grew up. Revolts here 

and there followed the Spanish occupancy, but they were all promptly 

suppressed. 

^ While all this was going on, Cortes had to face a new enemy. Fonseca, 

! as patron of Velasquez, had taken occasion in the absence of the Emperor, 

I attending to the affairs of his German domain, to order Crist6bal de 

, Tapia from Hispaniola to take command in New Spain and to investigate 

the doings of Cortes. He arrived in December, 1521, with a single vessel 

1 at Villa Rica, and was guardedly received by Gonzalo de Alvarado, there 

'1 in command. Tapia now despatched a messenger to Cortes, who replied 

with many blandishments, and sent Sandoval and others as a council to 

confer with Tapia, taking care to have among its members a majority of 

his most loyal adherents. 

They met Dec. I2, 1521, and the conference lasted til! Jan. 6, 1522. It 

resulted in a determination to hold the orders borne by Tapia in abeyance 

till the Emperor himself could be heard. Tapia protested in vain, and 

■■ < was quickly hustled out of the country. He was not long gone when new 

orders for him arrived, — this time under the sign-manual of the Emperor 

himself. This increased the perplexity; but Cort6s won the messenger in 

I his golden fashion. Shortly afterwards the same messenger set off for 

; Spain, carrying back the letters with him. These occurrences did not 

.1 escape notice throughout the country, and Cortes was put to the necessity 

of extreme measures to restore his prestige; while in his letter to the 

i Emperor he threw the responsibility of his action upon the council, who 

\^ felt it necessary, he alleged, to take the course they did to make good the 

gains which had already been effected for the Emperor, In a spirit of 

conciliation, however, Cortes released Narvaez, who had been confined 



CORTES AND HIS COMPANIONS. 




1 Fac-aimile of a woodcut in PauH Jarii do- vol. iii. An original antograph was noted tot 

pavirorumbtUUavirtuitillustrium (Basle, 1575), sale in Stevens {Bibliolhi<a geograpkica,'aa.iia), 

p. 348, and 1596, p. 339, called a portrait of which is given in fac-simite in some of the illus- 

CoTt^s. Crated cojties of tliat catalogue. Prcscolt (vol. L 

The autograph follows one given by Pres- p. 447) mentions a banner, preserved in Mexico, 

cott. revised ed., vol. iii. Autographs of his though in raps, which Cortes is said to have 

proper name, and of his lille. Marques del Valle, borne in the Conquest. But compare Wilson's 

ue given in Cumplido's edition of Prescott, AV™ ConqutsI, p. 369. 



■ -.fTT 



382 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 

at Villa Rica ; and so in due time another enemy found his way to Spain, 
and joined the cabal against the Conqueror of Mexico. 

In the spring (1522) Cortes was cheered by a report from the Audiencia 
of Santo Domingo, confirming his acts and promising intercession with the 
Emperor. To support this intercession, Cortes despatched to Spain some 
friends with his third letter, dated at Coyohuacan May 15, 1522. These 
agents carried also a large store of propitiatory treasure. Two of the 
vessels, which held most of it, were captured by French corsairs,^ and the 
Spanish gains enriched the coffers of Francis I. rather than those of 
Charles V. The despatches of Cortes, however, reached their destination, 
though Fonseca and the friends of Velasquez had conspired to prevent 
their delivery, and had even appropriated some part of the treasure which 
a third vessel had securely landed. Thus there were charges and counter- 
charges, and Charles summoned a council to investigate. Cortes won. 
Velasquez, Fonseca, and Narvaez were all humiliated in seeing their great 
rival made, by royal command, governor and captain-general of New 
Spain. 

Meanwhile Cortes, hearing of a proposed expedition under Garay to 
take possession of the region north of Villa Rica, conducted a force him- 
self to seize, in advance, that province known as Pdnuco, and to subju- 
gate the Huastecs who dwelt there. This was done. The plunder proved 
small ; but this disappointment was forgotten in the news which now, for 
the first time, reached Cortes of his late success in Spain. The whole 
country was jubilant over the recognition of his merit; and opportunely 
came embassies from Guatemala bringing costlier tributes than the Span- 
iards had ever seen before. This turned their attention to the south. 
There was apprehension that the Spaniards who were already at Panamd 
might sooner reach these rich regions, and might earlier find the looked- 
for passage from the Gulf to the south sea. To anticipate them, no time 
could be lost. So Alvarado, Olid, and Sandoval were given commands to 
push explorations and conquests southward and on either shore. Before 
the expeditions started, news came that Garay, arriving from Jamaica, had 
landed with a force at Pdnuco to seize that region in the interests of the 
Velasquez faction. The mustered forces were at once combined under 
Cortes' own lead, and marched against Garay, — Alvarado in advance. 
Before Cort6s was ready to start, he was relieved from the necessity of 
going in person by the receipt of a royal order from Spain confirming him 
in the possession of Pdnuco and forbidding Garay to occupy any of Cortes' 
possessions. This order was hurriedly despatched to Alvarado; but it 
did not reach him till he had made some captives of the intruders. Garay 
readily assented to lead his forces farther north if restitution should be 
made to him of the captives and munitions which Alvarado had taken. 
This was not so easily done, for plunder in hand was doubly rich, and 
Garay's own men preferred to enlist with Cortes. To compose matters 

^ Their chief was Juan Florin, who has been identified by some with Verrazano. 



CORTfiS AND HIS COMPANIONS. 383 

Garay went to Mexico, where Cortes received him with ostentatious 
kindness, and promised him assistance in his northern conquests. In the 
midst of Cortfes' hospitality his guest sickened and died, and was buried 
with pomp. 

While Garay was in Mexico, his men at Pdnuco, resenting the control of 
Garay's son, who had been left in charge of them, committed such ravages 
on the country that the natives rose on them, and were so rapidly annihilat- 
ing them that Alvarado, who had left, was sent back to check the outbreakz 
He encountered much opposition; but conquered as usual, and punished 
afterward the chief ringleaders with abundant cruelty. Such of Garay's 
men as would, joined the forces of Cortfes, while the rest were sent back 
to Jamaica. 

The thoughts of Cortes were now turned to his plan of southern explor- 
ation, and early in December Alvarado was on his way to Guatemala.^ 
Desperate fighting and the old success attended Cortes' lieutenant, and the 
Quiche army displayed their valor in vain in battle after battle. It was the 
old story of cavalry and arquebusiers. As Alvarado approached Utatlan, 
the Quiche capital, he learned of a plot to entrap him in the city, which 
was to be burned about his ears. By a counterplot he seized the Quiche 
nobles, and burned them and their city. By the aid of the Cakchiquels 
he devastated the surrounding country. Into the territory of this friendly 
people he next marched, and was received royally by King Sinacam in his 
city of Patinamit (Guatemala), and was soon engaged with him in an 
attack on his neighbors, the Zutugils, who had lately abetted an insurrec- 
tion among Sinacam*s vassals. Alvarado beat them, of course, and estab- 
lished a fortified post among them after they had submitted, as gracefully 
as they could. With Quiches and Cakchiquels now in his train, Alvarado 
still went on, burned towns and routed the country's defenders, till, the 
rainy season coming on, he withdrew his crusaders and took up his quar- 
ters once more at Patinamit, late in July, 1524. From this place he sent 
despatches to Cortes, who forwarded two hundred more Spanish soldiers 
for further campaigns. 

The Spanish extortions produced the usual results. The Cakchiquels 
turned under the abuse, deserted their city, and prepared for a campaign. 
The Spaniards found them abler foes than any yet encountered. The 
Cakchiquels devastated the country on which Alvarado depended for sup- 
plies, and the Spaniards found themselves reduced to great straits. It was 
only after receiving reinforcements sent by Cortes that Alvarado was 
enabled to push his conquests farther, and possess himself of the redoubt- 
able fortress of Mixco and successfully invade the Valley of Zacatepec. 

The expedition to Honduras was intrusted to Crist6bal de Olid, and 
started about a month after Alvarado's to Guatemala. Olid was given a 

* H. H. Bancroft {Central Mexico^ i. 626) collates as usual the various estimates of Alvarado'i 
force. 



384 



NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 



fleet; and a part of his instructions was to search for a passage to the greal 
south sea. He sailed from the port now known as Vera Cruz on the nth 
of January, 1524, and directed his course for Havaaa, where he was to find 
munitions and horses, for the purchase of which agents had already been 
sent thither by Cort^ While in Cuba the blandishments of Velasquez 
had worked upon Olid's vanity, and when he sailed for Honduras he was 
harboring thoughts of defection. Not long after he landed he openly 




GUATEMALA AMD HOKDURAS.' 

announced them, and gained the adherence of most of his men. Cortes, 
who had been warned from Cuba of Olid's purpose, sent some vessels after 
him, which were wrecked. Thus Casas, their commander, and his men fell 
into Olid's hands. After an interval, an opportunity offering, the captive 
leader conspired to kill Olid. He wounded and secured him, brought him 
to a form of trial, and cut off his head. Leaving a lieutenant to conduct 
further progress, Casas started to go to Mexico and make report to Cort6s. 
Meanwhile, with a prescience of the mischief brewing, and impelled by 
his restless nature, Cortes had determined to march overland to Honduras; 
and in the latter part of October, 1524, he set out. He started with great 
state; but the difficulties of the way made his train a sorry sight as they 
struggled through morass after morass, stopped by river after river, \vhich 
they were under the necessity of fording or bridging. All the while their 

1 Following the man given in kuge's Zeilalter dtr EntdtctangtH, p. 391. Cf- map in Fai» 



CORTES AND HIS COMPANIONS. 385 

provisions grew less and less. To add to the difficulties, some Mexican chief- 
tains, who had been taken along as hostages for the security of Mexico, had 
conspired to kill Cortes, and then to march with their followers back to Mex- 
ico as deliverers. The plot was discovered, and the leaders were' executed.^ 
Some of the towns passed by the army had been jdeserted by their inhabi- 
tants, without leaving any provisions behind. Guides which they secured 
ran away. On they went, however, hardly in a condition to confront Olid, 
should he appear, and they were now approaching his province. At last 
some Spaniards were met, who told them of Casas* success ; and the hopes 
of Cortes rose. He found the settlers at Nito, who had been decimated by 
malaria, now engaged in constructing a vessel in which to depart. His com- 
ing cheered them ; and a ship opportunely appearing in the harbor with pro- 
visions, Cortes purchased her and her lading. He then took steps to move 
the settlement to a more salubrious spot. Using the newly acquired vessel, 
he explored the neighboring waters, hoping to find the passage to the south 
sea ; and making some land expeditions, he captured several pueblos, and 
learned, from a native of the Pacific coast whom he fell in with, that 
Alvarado was conducting his campaign not far away. Finally, he passed 
on to Trujillo, where he found the colony of Olid's former adherents, and 
confirmed the dispositions which Casas had made, while he sent vessels to 
Cuba and Jamaica for supplies. 

At this juncture Cortes got bad news from Mexico. Cabal and anti- 
cabal among those left in charge of the government were having their 
effect. When a report reached them of the death of Cort6s and the loss 
of his army, it was the signal for the bad spirits to rise, seize the govern- 
ment, and apportion the estates of the absentees. The most steadfast 
friend of Cortes — Zuazo — was sent off to Cuba, whence he got the news 
to Cortes by letter. After some hesitation and much saying of Masses, 
Cortes appointed a governor for the Honduras colony; and sending 
Sandoval with his forces overland, he embarked himself to go by sea. 
Various mishaps caused his ship to put back several times. Discouraged 
at last, and believing there was a divine purpose in keeping him in 
Honduras for further conquest, he determined to remain a while, and sent 
messengers instead to Mexico. Runners were also sent after Sandoval to 
bring him back. 

Cortes now turned his attention to the neighboring provinces; and one 
after another he brought them into subjection, or gained their respect by 
interfering to protect them from other parties of marauding Spaniards. 
He had already planned conquests farther south, and Sandoval had received 
orders to march, when a messenger from Mexico brought the exhortations 
of his friends for his return to that city. Taking a small force with him, 
including Sandoval, he embarked in April, 1526. After being tempest- 

1 There is some doubt whether the alleged Bancroft {Central America, i. 555) collates the 

plot was not, after all, a fiction to cover the various views, but it does not seem that any 

getting rid of burdensome personages. H. H. unassailable conclusion can be reached. 
VOL. II. — 49. 






386 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 

tossed and driven to Cuba, he landed late in May near Vera Cruz, and 
proceeded in triumph to his capital. 

Cortes' messenger from Honduras had arrived in good time, and had 
animated his steadfast adherents, who succeeded very soon in overthrowing 
the usurper Salazar and restoring the Cortes government. Then followed 
the request for Cortes' return, and in due time his arrival. The natives 
vied with each other in the consideration which they showed to Malinche, 
as Cortes was universally called by them. Safe in their good wishes, 
Cortfe moved by easy stages toward Mexico. Everybody was astir with 
shout and banner as he entered the city itself. He devoted himself at once 
to re-establishing the government and correcting abuses. 

Meanwhile the enemies of Cortes at Madrid had so impressed the 
Emperor that he ordered a judge, Luis Ponce de Leon, to proceed to 
Mexico and investigate the charges against the Governor, and to hold 
power during the suspension of Cort6s' commission. Cortes received him 
loyally, and the transfer of authority was duly made, — Cortes still retaining 
the position of captain-general. Before any charges against Cort6s could 
be heard, Ponce sickened and died, July 20, 1526; and his authority 
descended to Marcos de Aguilar, whom he had named as successor. He 
too died in a short time; and Cortes had to resist the appeals of his 
friends, who wished him to reassume the governorship and quiet the com- 
motions which these sudden changes were producing. Meanwhile the 
enemies of Cortes were actively intriguing in Spain, and Estrada received 
a royal decree to assume alone the government, which with two others he 
had been exercising since the death of Aguilar. The patience of Cort6s 
and his adherents was again put to a test when the new ruler directed 
the exile of Cortes from the city. Estrada soon saw his mistake, and made 
advances for a reconciliation, which Cortes accepted. 

But new developments were taking place on the coast. The Emperor 
had taken Panuco out of Cortes' jurisdiction by appointing Nuflo de 
Guzman to govern it, with orders to support Ponce if Cortes should resist 
that royal agent. Guzman did not arrive on the coast till May 20, 1527, 
when he soon, by his acts, indicated his adherence to the Velasquez party, 
and a disposition to encroach upon the bounds of New Spain. He was 
forced to deal with Cortes as captain-general ; and letters far from con- 
ciliatory in character passed from Guzman to the authorities in Mexico. 
Estrada had found it necessary to ask Cortes to conduct a campaign against 
his ambitious neighbor ; but Cortes felt that he could do more for himself 
and New Spain in the Old, and so prepared to leave the country and 
escape from the urgency of those of his partisans who were constantly 
trying to embroil him with Estrada. A letter from the new President 
of the Council of the Indies urging his coming, helped much to the 
determination. He collected what he could of treasure, fabric, and imple- 
ment to show the richness of the country. A great variety of animals, 



CORTES AND HIS COMPANIONS. 



387 



representatives of the various subjugated peoples, and a showy train of 
dependents, among them such conspicuous characters as Sandoval and 
Tapia, with native princes and chieftains, accompanied him on board the 
vessels. 

Cortes, meanwhile, was ignorant of what further mischief his enemies 
had done in Spain. The Emperor had appointed a commission {audiencia) 
to examine the affairs of New Spain, and had placed Guzman at the head. 
It had full power to 
assume the govern- 
ment and regulate the 
administration. In 

December, 1528, and 
January, 1529, all the 
members assembled at 
Mexico. The jealous 
and grasping quality 
of their rule was soon 
apparent. The ab- 
sence of Cortes in 
Spain threatened the 
continuance of their 
power ; for reports had 
reached Mexico of the 
enthusiasm which at- 
tended his arrival in 
Spain. They accord- 
ingly despatched mes- 
sengers to the Spanish 
court renewing the 
charges against Cor- 
tes, and setting forth the danger of his return to Mexico. Alvarado and 
other friends of Cortes protested in vain, and had to look on and see, under 
one pretext or another, all sorts of taxes and burdens laid upon the estates 
of the absent hero. He was also indicted in legal form for every vice and 
crime that any one might choose to charge him with ; and the indictments 
stood against him for many years. 

Guzman was soon aware of the smouldering hatred which the rule of 
himself and his associate had created ; and he must have had suspicions 
of the representations of his rapacity and cruelty which were reaching 
Madrid from his opponents. To cover all iniquities with the splendor 
ot conquest, he gathered a formidable army and marched to invade the 
province of Jalisco. 




AUTOGRAPH OF SANDOVAL.^ 



' After a fac-simile in Cabajal, Mexico, ii. 686. 



NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 







SANDOVAL.' 



Cortes, with his following, had landed at Palos late in 1528, and was 
under the necessity, a few days later, of laying the body of Sandoval — worn 
out with the Honduras campaign — in the vaults of La Rabida. It was 
a sad duty for Cortes, burdened with the grief that his young lieutenant 
could not share with him the honors now in store, as he made his 
progress to Toledo, where the Court then was. He was received with 
unaccustomed honor and royal condescensions, — only the prelude to 
substantial grants of territory in New Spain, which he was asked to par- 
ticularize and describe. He was furthermore honored with the station 
and title of Marques del Valle de Oajaca. He was confirmed as captain- 
general; but his reinstatement as governor was deferred till the reports of 
the new commission in New Spain should be received. He was, however, 

' Fac-simile of an engraving in Herreii, ii. J2. It is dressed up in Cabajal's Alixico, ii. 154. 



CORTES AND HIS COMPANIONS. 



389 




-Natural de Mede-W'^ 



COHTfe.' 



assured of liberty to make discoveries in the south sea, and to act as 
governor of all islands and parts he might discover westward. 

The wife of Cortes, whom he had left in Cuba, had joined him in Mexico 
after the conquest, and had been received with becoming state. Her early 
decease, after a loftier alliance would have become helpful to his ambition. 



1 Faosimile oE an engraving En Herrera, 
ii. I. There is also a portrait which hangs, or 
did hang, in the series of Viceroys in the Museo 
at Mexico. This was engraved for Don Antonio 
Uguina, of Madrid ; and from his engraving the 
picture given second by Prescott is copied. 
Engravings of a picture ascribed to Titian are 
given in Townsend's translation of Soils | I.ondon, 
1724) and in the Madrid edition of Solis (1783). 
Cf. H. H. Bancroft, Afexko, i. 39, nati. The 
Spanish translation of Clavigero, published in 
Mexico in t344, has a portrait ; and one " after 






i DUot 



dt la Ttrri 

A small copper-plate representing Cortrfa 
in armor, with an uplifted finger and a full 
beard (accompanied by a brief sketch of his 
career) is given in Stlect Lrurs ci>tltctid mil ef 
A. Thevtt, Engliskcd by I. S. (Cambridge, 1676), 
which is a section of a volume, Preapographia 
(Cambridge, tCjC), an English translation of 
Thevet's Collection of Lives. The copper may 
be the same used in the French original. 



NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OK AMERICA. 




CORlls' ARNrOB.' 



had naturally raised a suspicion among Cortes' traducers that her death 
had been prematurely hastened. He had now honors sufficient for any 
match among the rank of grandees; and a few days after he ivas en- 
nobled he was married, as had been earlier planned, to the daughter of 
the late Conde de Aguilar and niece of the Duque de B^jar, — both 
houses of royal extraction. 



' Copied from an engravmR (in Ruge's Das 
ZtUaller der Enldaiaiisrtt, p. 405 1 iif Ihc original 
in the Museum at Madrid. Wilson refers In 



in the Museum al Mexico, 
se, thinks apocrjiphal {A'nt 



cort£s and his companions. 



391 



Cortds now prepared to return to Mexico with his new titles. He learned 
that the Emperor had appointed a new audiencia to proceed thither, and 
it promised him better justice than he had got from the other. The 
Emperor was not, however, satisfied as yet that the presence of Cortes 
in Mexico was advisable at the present juncture, and he ordered him to 
stay; but the decree was too late, and Cortes, with a great retinue, had 
already departed. He landed at Vera Cruz, in advance of the new judge, 
July IS, 1530. 

His reception was as joyous as it had been four years before ; and though 
an order had reached him forbidding his approach within ten leagues of 
Mexico till the new audiencia should arrive, the support of his retinue com- 
pelled him to proceed to Tezcuco, where he awaited its coming, while he 
was put in the interim to not a little hazard and inconvenience by the efforts 
of the Guzman government to deprive him of sustenance and limit his 
intercourse with the natives. 

Near the end of the year the new Government arrived, — or all but its 
president, Fuenleal, for he was the Bishop of Santo Domingo, whom the 
others had been 
ordered to take 

on board their f ^-* ^ /% 

vessel on the ^ xl P^ * O 
way; but stress 
of weather had 
prevented their 
doing this. 
The Bishop did 
not join them 
till September. 
In Mexico they 
took possession 

of Cortes' house, which they had been instructed to appropriate at an 
appraisement. 

The former Government was at once put on trial, and judgment was in 
most cases rendered against them, so that their property did not suffice to 
meet the fines imposed. Cortes got a due share of what they were made 
to disgorge, in restitution of his own losses through them. Innumerable 
reforms were instituted, and the natives received greater protection than 
ever before. 

Guzman, meanwhile, was on his expedition toward the Pacific coast, 
conducting his rapacious and brutal conquest of Nueva Galicia. He re- 
fused to obey the call of the new audiencia^ while he despatched messengers 
to Mexico to protect, if possible, his interests. By them also he forwarded 
his own statement of his case to the Emperor. Cortes, vexed at Guzman's 
anticipation of his own intended discoveries toward the Pacific, sent a 
lieutenant to confront him; but Guzman was wily enough to circumvent 



(^^tZ^ rn 




AUTOGRAPH OF FUENLEAL 
(JEpiscopus Sancti Dominici), 



392 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 



GXILFO V..; 







MEXICO AND ACAPULOO.' 



the lieutenant, seized him, and packed him off to Mexico with scorn and 
assurance. It was his last hour of triumph. His force soon dwindled; 
his adherents deserted him; his misdeeds had ]cft him no friends; and he 
at last deserted the remnant of his army, and starting for Pdnuco, turned 

' Fac-simile of a map in Ilerrera, i. 408. 



CORTES AND HIS COMPANIONS. 393 

aside to Mexico on the way. He found in the city a new regime, Antonio 
de Mendoza had been sent out as viceroy, and to succeed Fuenleal at the 
same time as president of the audiencia. He had arrived at Vera Cruz in 
October, 1535. His rule was temperate and cautious. Negroes, who had 
been imported into the country in large numbers as slaves, plotted an 
insurrection: but the Viceroy suppressed it; and if there was native com- 
plicity in the attempt, it was not proved. The Viceroy had received from 
his predecessors a source of trial and confusion in the disputed relations 
which existed between the civil rulers and the Captain-General. There 
were endless disputes with the second audiencia^ and disagreements con- 
tinued to exist with the Viceroy, about the respective limits of the powers 
of the t\vo as derived from the Emperor. 

Cortes had been at great expense in endeavoring to prosecute discovery 
in the Pacific, and he had the vexation of seeing his efforts continually 
embarrassed by the new powers. Previous to his departure for Spain he 
had despatched vessels from Tehuantepec to the Moluccas to open traffic 
with the Asiatic Indies ; but the first audiencia had prevented the despatch 
of a succoring expedition which Cortes had planned. On his return to 
New Spain the Captain-General had begun the construction of new vessels 
both at Tehuantepec and at Acapulco ; but the second audiencia interfered 
with his employment of Indians to carry his material to the coast. He 
however contrived to despatch two vessels up the coast under Hurtado de 
Mendoza, which left in May, 1532. They had reached the coast to the 
north, where Guzman was marauding, who was glad of the opportunity of 
thwarting the purpose of his rival. He refused the vessels the refuge of a 
harbor, and they were subsequently lost. Cort6s now resolved to give his 
personal attention to these sea explorations, and proceeding to Tehuan- 
tepec, he superintended the construction of two vessels, which finally left 
port Oct. 29, 1533. They discovered Lower California. Afterward one of 
the vessels was separated from the other, and fell in distress into the hands 
of Guzman while making a harbor on the coast. The other ship reached 
Tehuantepec. Cortes appealed to the audiencia, who meted equal justice 
in ordering Guzman to surrender the vessel, and in commanding Cortes to de- 
sist from further exploration. An appeal to the Emperor effected little, for 
it seems probable that the audiencia knew what support it had at court. 
Cortes next resolved to act on his own responsibility and take command 
in person of a third expedition. So, in the winter of 1 534-1 535, he sent 
some vessels up the coast, and led a land force in the same direction. 
Guzman fled before him. Cortes joined his fleet at the port where Guzman 
had seized his ship on the earlier voyage, and embarked. Crossing to the 
California peninsula, he began the settlement of a colony on its eastern shore. 
He left the settlers there, and returned to Acapulco to send forward addi- 
tional supplies and recruits. At this juncture the new Viceroy had reached 
Mexico; and it was not long before he began to entertain schemes of 

despatching fleets of discovery, and Cortes found a new rival in his plans. 
VOL. II. — 50. 



394 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 




' Pari nf a view n[ Acapiilcn n Riven in rn|ihy, Iral representing iht lalcr fort and build- 
Montanus ami ngilliy, p. 261, showinR the tnpog- ings. The same picture, on a larger scale, was 



cort£s and his companions. 



395 



The Captain-General got the start of his rival, and sent out a new expedi- 
tion from Acapuico under Francisco de UUoa ; but the Viceroy gave orders 
to prevent other ves- 
sels following, and his 
officers seized one al- 
ready at sea, which 
chanced to put into 
one of the upper ports. 
Cortes could endure 
such thraldom no lon- 
ger, and early in 1540 
he left again for Spain 
to plead his interests 
with the Emperor. 
He never saw the land 
of his conquest again. 

We left Guzman for 
a while in Mexico, 
where Mendoza not 
unkindly received 
him, as one who hated 
Cortes as much or 
more than he did. 
Guzman was bent on 
escaping, and had or* 
dered a vessel to be 
ready on the coast. 
He was a little too late, 
however. The Empe- 
ror had sent a judge 
to call him to account, 
and Guzman suddenly 
found this evil genius 
was in Mexico. The 
judge put him under 
arrest and marched 




published by Vander Ai at Amsterdam. A 
plan o£ the hatbor is given in Bancroft's Mtxico, 
iii. sj. The place had no considerable impor- 
tance as a Spanish settlement till 1350 [Ibid., 
ii. 410). Cf. the view in Giy'a Popular History 
(•flht U'littd Stalls, ii. 586. 

' This follons a sketch oE the picture, in the 
Hospital of Jesus at Mexico, which is given in 
Charton's Voyagturs, iii. 359. Prcscotl gives an 
engraving after a copy then in his own posses- 



sion. The picture in the Hospital is also said to 
be a copy of one taken in S|)ain a few years before 
the death of Cortes, during his last visit. The 
original is not known to exist. The present 
descendants of the Conqueror, the family of the 
Duke of Monteleone in Italy, have only a copy 
of the one at Mexico. Another copy, made 
during General Scott's occupation of the city, is 
in the gallery of the Pennsylvania Historical 
Society (CalalBgHi. no, Ijo). The upper part 



396 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 

him to prison. A trial was begun; but it dragged along, and Guzman 
sent an appeal forward to the Council for the Indies, in which he charged 
Cortes with promoting his persecution. He was in the end remanded to 
Spain, where he lingered out a despised life for a few years, with a gleam 
of satisfaction, perhaps, in finding, 
some time after, that Cortes too had 
found a longer stay in New Spain 
unprofitable. 

Cortes had reached Spain in the 
early part of 1540, and had been re- 
ceived with honor by the Court; but 
when he began to press for a judg- 
ment that might restore hts losses 
and rehabilitate him in his self-respect, 
he found nothing but refusal and 
procrastination. He asked to return 
to Mexico, but found he could not 
With a reckless aim he joined an 
expedition against Algiers ; but the 
CORTES MEDAL. gjjjp q^ which he embarked was 

wrecked, and he only saved himself 
by swimming, losing the choicest of his Mexican jewels, which he carried 
on his person. Then again he memorialized the Emperor for a hearing 
and award, but was disregarded. Later he once more appealed, but was 
still unheard. Again he asked permission to return to New Spain. This 
time it was granted ; but before he could make the final preparations, he 
sank under his burdens, and at a village near Seville Cortes died on the 2d 
of December, 1547, in his sixty-second year.' 



s(g*- 



of the figure is reproduced in Catbajal's IHsioria 
lit Mfxice, a. \z ; and it is also given entire in 
Cumplido's edition of Prescutt's Mrxico, vol. iii. 

' This follows the engraving in Ruge's Das 
Ziilitlttr itr Eiitdcckuiisen (p. 361) of a speci- 
men in the Royal Cabinet at Berlin. The oti- 
ginal is of the same site. 

= The remains of Corlea have rested un- 
easily. They were buried at Seville ; but in 1 562 
his son removed Ihcm lo New Spain and placed 
them in a monastery al Tcicuco. In 16:9 ihey 
were carried with pomp to Menico to ihe church 
of Si. Francis; and again, in i7(>4. ihey vrere 
transferred lo the Hospital of Jc<lus (Prcscott, 
Mtxiio, iii. 465), where a monument with a bust 
wax placed civcr (hem. In 1S13. when a p.ttri- 
otic leal wa> turned into the wildness of a mob. 



the tomb was threatened, and some soberer 
citiiens secretly removed the monument and 
sent it (and later the remains) clandestinely to his 
descendant, the Duke of Monteleone, in Paler- 
mo, where (hey are supposed now to be, if the 
story of this secret shipment is (rue (Prescott, 
M/xicB, iii. 335; Harrisse, Bibl. Amtr. ViU 
pp. Z19, £30; Bancroft, Aftxico, iii. 471^ 480). 
Testimony regarding the earlier interment and 
exhumation is given in the Coleccion dt documtn- 
to iHiJitos (Esfaha), xxii. 563. Of. B. Murphy 
on " The Tomb of Cortes " in the Calhalit Werld, 
xixiii. 24. 

For an account of the family and descend- 
anls of Cortes, see Bancroft, ii. 480; Prescott, 
iii. 336. The la(ter (races what little is known 
of Ihe later life of Marina (vol. iii. p. 179). 



CORTfiS AND HIS COMPANIONS. 



397 



CRITICAL ESSAY ON THE DOCUMENTARY SOURCES OF 

MEXICAN HISTORY. 



q/^ ^^"- 




MR H. H. BANCROFT, in speaking of the facilities which writers of Spanish 
American history now have in excess of those enjoyed by the historian of thirty 
years ago, claims that in documentary evidence there are twenty papers for his use in 
print to-day for one then.^ These are found in part in the great CoUccion of Pacheco 
and others mentioned in the Introduction. The Mexican writer Joaquin Garcia Icaz- 
balceta (bom 1825) made a most important contribution in the two volumes of a CoUccion 
de documentos para la historia de Mdxico which 
passes by his name and which appeared respec- 
tively in 1858 and 1866.* He found in Mexico few 
of the papers which he printed, obtaining them 
chiefly from Spain. Of great interest among those 
which he gives is the Itinerario of Grijalva, both in 
the Italian and Spanish text.' Of Cortes himself 
there are in this publication various letters not 
earlier made public. The quarrel between him 

and Velasquez is illustrated by other papers. Here also we find what is mentioned else- 
where as " De rebus gestis Cortesii " printed as a " Vida de Cortes," and attributed 
to C. Calvet de Estrella. The recital of the so-called " Anonymous Conqueror," held by 
some to be Francisco de Terrazas, is translated from Ramusio (the original Spanish is 
not known), with a fac-simile of the plan of Mexico.* There is also the letter from the 
army of Cort(Ss to the Emperor ; and in the second volume various other papers interest- 
ing in connection with Cortes' career, including the memorial of Luis de Cdrdenas, etc. 
Two other papers have been. recognized as important One of these in the first volume 
is the Historia de los Indios de A^ueva Espaha of Fray Toribio Motolinia, accom- 
panied by a Life of the Father by Ramirez, with a gathering of bibliographical detail. 
Toribio de Benavente — Motolinia was a name which he took from a description of him 
by the natives — had come over with the Franciscans in 1523. He was a devoted, self- 
sacrificing missionary; but he proved that his work did not quiet all the passions, for 
he became a violent opponent of Las Casas' views and measures.* His labors took him 
the length and breadth of the land ; his assiduity acquired for him a large knowledge 
of the Aztec tongue and beliefs ; and his work, besides describing institutions of this 
people, tells of the success and methods secured or adopted by himself and his com- 
panions in effecting their conversion to the faith of the conquerors. Robertson used a 
manuscript copy of the work, and Obadiah Rich procured a copy for Prescott, who 
ventured the assertion, when he wrote, that it had so little of popular interest that it 
would never probably be printed.* 



^ Those pertaining to Cortes in vols, i.-iv. 
of the Documentos iniditos [Espatta) had already 
appeared. Harrisse, ^/^/. Amer. F^r/., pp. 2I3- 
2I5, enumerates the manuscripts which had been 
collected by Prescott. Clavigero had given 
accounts of the collections in the Vatican, at 
Vienna, and of those of Boturini, etc. 

2 Sabin, vol. xx. no. 34,153. In the Intro- 
duction to both volumes Icazbalceta discusses 
learnedly the authorship of the various papers, 
and makes note of considerable bibliographical 



detail. The edition was three hundred copies, 
with twelve on large paper. 

• Vol. i. 281 ; see also antty p. 215. 

* Vol. i. 368. This plan is given on an ear- 
lier page. Cf. Bancroft, Early American Chro- 
niclers ^ P* *5- 

^ See chap. v. p. 343. 

^ Mexico, ii. 96. A part of it was printed 
in the Documentos iniditos as " Ritos antiquos 
. . . de las Indias." Cf Kingsborough, vol. 



IX. 



398 



NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 



Bancroft ^ calls the Relacion of Andres de Tdpia one of the most valuable documents 
of the early parts of the Conquest. It ends with the capture of Narvaez; recounting 
the antecedent events, however, with "uneven completeness." It is written warmly in the 
interests of Cortes. Icazbalceta got what seemed to be the original from the Library of 
the Academy of History in Madrid, and printed it in his second volume (p. 554). It 
was not known to Prescott, who quotes it at second hand in Gomara.^ 

The next most important collection is that published in Mexico from 1852 to 1857,' 
under the general title of Documentos para la historia de Mexico. This collection of 
four series, reckoned variously in nineteen or twenty-one volumes, is chiefly derived 
from Mexican sources, and is largely illustrative of the history of northwestern Mexico, 
and in general concerns Mexican history of a period posterior to the Conquest. 

There have been two important series of documents published and in part unearthed 
by Josd Fernando Ramirez, who became Minister of State under Maximilian. The first 
of these is the testimony at the examination of the charges which were brought against 
Pedro de Alvarado, and some of those made in respect to Nufio de Guzman, — Procesos de 
residcncia^^ which was published in Mexico in 1847;* the other set of documents pertain 
to the trial of Cortds himself. Such of these as were found in the Mexican Archives 
ivere edited by Ignacio L. Rayon under the title of Archivo Mexicano j Documentos para 
la historia de Mixico^ and published in the city of Mexico in 1 852-1853, in two volumes. 
At a later day (i 867-1868) Ramirez discovered in the Spanish Archives other considerable 
portions of the same trial, and these have been printed in the Coleccion de documentos 
itUditos de las Indias, vols, xxvi.-xxix. 

The records of the municipality of Mexico date from March 8, 1524, and chronicle 
for a long time the sessions as held in Cortes' house ; and are particularly interesting, 
as Bancroft says,' after 1524, when we no longer have Cortes' own letters to follow, down 
to 1529. Harrisse has told us what he found in the repositories of Italy, particularly at 
Venice, among the letters sent to the Senate during this period by the Venetian ambas- 
sadors at Madrid.^ Three volumes have so far been published of a Coleccion de docu- 
mentos para la historia de Costa-Rica at San Josd de Costa-Rica, under the editing of 
Le6n Ferndndez, which have been drawn from the Archives of the Indies and from 
the repositories in Guatemala. A few letters of Alvarado and other letters of the 
Conquest period are found in the Coleccion de documentos antiguous de Guatemala 
published at Guatemala in 1857.* 

No more voluminous contributor to the monographic and documentary history of 
Mexico can be named than Carlos Maria de Bustamante. There will be occasion in other 
connections to dwell upon particular publications, and some others are of little interest 
to us at present, referring to periods as late as the present century. Bustamante 
was a Spaniard, but he threw himself with characteristic energy into a heated advo- 



' Mexico, i. 405. 

- Prescott, MexicOy ii. 147. 

* Sabin, vol. ix. nos. 34,154-34,156 ; Quaritch, 
Ramirez Collection ( 1880), no. 89, priced it at £^0. 

* This institution is clearly defined by Helps, 
iii. 141. Cf. Bancroft, Central America^ i. 250. 

^ Prescott, Mexico^ ii. 272 ; Bancroft, Mexico^ 
ii. 373 ; Murphy CatalogiiCy no. 2,092 ; Pinart- 
Brasseur Catcdogne^ no. 770. The book has 
a portrait of Alvarado, and is enriched with 
notes by Ramirez. The manuscript of the 
charges against Alvarado was discovered in 
1846 among some supposed waste-papers in 
the Mexican Archives which the licentiate, 
Ipnacio Rayon, was then examining (Bancroft, 
Central Amtrica^ ii. 104). 



' Mexico, ii. 9. Bancroft says he uses a 
copy made from one which escaped the fire 
that destroyed so much in 1692, and which be- 
longed to the Maximilian Collection. Quaritch 
offered, a few years since, as from the Ramirez 
Collection, for ;£'i75, the Acts of the Munici- 
pality of Mexico, 1 524-1 564, in six manuscript 
volumes. Bancroft {Mexico, iii. 508, etc.), enu- 
merates the sources of a later period. 

" Bibl. Amer. Vet., Additions, p. xxxiv. 

8 There appeared in 1882, in two volumes, 
in the Biblioteca de los Americanistas, a Historia 
de Guatemala 6 recordaciSn Florida escrita el 
sigh XV] I for el Capitdn D. Francisco Antonio 
de Fuentes y Guzman . . . public a por primer a 
vet con notas i ilustraciones D. Justo Zaragota, 



CORTES AND HIS COMPANIONS. 



399 



tacy of national Mexican feelings ; and this warmly partisan exhibition of himself did 
much toward rendering the gathering of his scattered writings very difl&cult, in view of 
the enemies whom he made and of their ability to suppress obnoxious publications when 
they came into power. Most of these works date from 1812 to 1850, and when collected 
make nearly or quite fifty volumes, though frequently bound in fewer.^ The completest list, 
however, is probably that included in the enumeration of authorities prefixed by Bancroft to 
his Central America and Mexico^ which shows not only the printed works of Bustamante, 
but also the autograph originals, — which, Bancroft says, contain much not in the published 
works. 2 Indeed, these lists show an extremely full equipment of the manuscript docu- 
mentary stores relating to the whole period of Mexican history,* including a copy of the 
Archive general de Mexico, as well as much from the catalogues of Jos^ Maria Andrade 
and Jos^ Fernando Ramirez, records of the early Mexican councils, and much else of an 
ecclesiastical and missionary character not yet put in print.^ 



1 Quautch in his Catalogue ^ no. 321, sub 
11,807, shows a collection of forty-seven for ;^50, 
apparently the Ramirez Collection. Cf. Sabin, 
vol. iii. no. 9,567, etc. 

^ Mexico, vol. i. p. viii. 

• Indeed, the footnotes of Prescott are 
meagre by comparison. The enumeration of the 
manuscript sources on the Conquest given in 
Charton's Voyageurs, iii. 420, shows what pro- 
vision of this sort was most to be depended on 
thirty years ago. There is a set of nine folios in 
Harvard College Library, gathered by Lord 
Kingsborough, called Documentos para el histo- 
ria de Mexico y Peru. It includes some manu- 
scripts ; but they are all largely, perhaps wholly, 
of a later period than the Conquest. 

* Quaritch, who in his Catalogue of 1870 (no. 
259, sub 376) advertised for ;£'i05 the original 
manuscripts of three at least of these councils 
('555» '5^5» ^S^S)t intimates that they never 
were returned into the Ecclesiastical Archives 
after Lorenzana had used them in preparing 
an edition of the Proceedings of these Councils, 
which he published in 1769 and 1770, — Concilios 
provinciates de Mexico, — though in the third, and 
perhaps in the first, he had translated apparently 
his text from the Latin published versions. Ban- 
croft describes these manuscripts in his Mexico, 
ii. 685. The Acts of the First Council had been 
printed (1556) before Lorenzana; but the book 
was suppressed, and the Acts of the Third Coun- 
cil had been printed in 1622 in Mexico, and in 
1725 at Paris. The Acts of the Third also ap- 
peared in 1859 at Mexico with other documents. 
The readiest source for the English reader of 
the history of the measures for the conversion of 
the Indians and for the relation of the Church to 
the civil authorities in New Spain are sundry 
chapters (viii., xix., etc.) in Bancroft's Central 
America, and others (ix., xix., xxxi., xxxii.) in his 
Mexico. (Cf. references in Harrisse, Bibl. Amer. 
Vet., p. 209.) The leading Spanish authorities 
are Torobio Motolinia, Mendieta, and Torquc- 
mada, all characterized elsewhere. Alonso Fer- 
nandez' Historia eclesidstica de nuestros tiempos 



(Toledo, 161 1 ) is full in elucidation of the live^ of 
the friars and of their study of the native tongues. 
(Cf. Rich, 1832, £2 2s.; Quaritch, 1870, £s; 
Bancroft, Afexico, ii. 190.) Gil Gonzales Davila'9 
Teatro eclesidstico de la primitrva Iglesia de las 
Indias (Madrid, 1649-1655) is more important 
and rarer (Quaritch, 1870, £^ Ss. ; Rosenthal, 
Munich, 1884, for 150 marks; Bancroft, Mexico, 
ii. 189). Of Las Casas and his efforts, see the 
preceding chapter in the present volume. 

The Orders of friars are made the subject of 
special treatment in Bancroft's Mexico. The 
Franciscans were the earliest to arrive, coming, 
in response to the wish of Cortes, in 1524. 
There are various histories of their labors, — 
Francisco Gonzaga's De origine seraphicce reli- 
gionis Franciscana, Rome, 1587 (Carter-Brown, 
i. 372) ; sections of Torquemada and the fourth 
part of Vetancour*s Teatro MexicanOy Mexico, 
1 697- 1 698; Francisco Vasquez* Chronica . , . 
de Guatemala, 1 7 14; Espinosa's Chronica apos- 
tolica, 1746 (Sabin, vi. 239; Carter-Brown, iii. 
827), etc. Of the Dominicans we have Antonio 
de Remesal's Historia de la S. Vincent de Chyapa, 
Madrid, 1619 (Bancroft, Central America, ii. 339, 
736), and Davilla Padilla's Santiago de Mixico, 
mentioned in the text. Of the Augustinian fri- 
ars there is Juan de Grijalva's Cronica, Mexico, 
1624. Of the books on the Jesuits who came 
late (157 1, etc.), there is a note in Bancroft's 
Mexico, iii. 447, showing as of chief importance 
Francisco de Florencia's Compahia de Jesus 
(Mexico, 1694), while the subject was taken up 
under the same title by Francisco Javier Alegre, 
who told the story of their missions from 1 566 
in Florida to 1765. The manuscript of this 
work was not printed till Bustamante edited 
it in 1841. 

The legend or belief in our Lady of Guada- 
lupe gives a picturesque and significant coloring 
to the history of missions in Mexico, since from 
the day of her apparition the native worship, it 
is said, steadily declined. It is briefly thus: In 
1 531 a native who had received a baptismal 
name of Juan Diego, passing a hill neighboring 



400 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 

Of particular value for the documents which it includes is the Historia de lafundtuuni 
y discurso de la provincia de Santiago de Mexico, de la orden de predicadores^ por Ins 
vidas de sus varones insignes y casos notables de Nueva Espaha^ published in Madrid in 
1596.1 The author, Davilla Padilla, was born in Mexico in 1562 of good stock; he be- 
came a Dominican in 1579, and died in 1604. His opportunities for gathering material 
were good, and he has amassed a useful store of information regarding the contact of 
the Spanish and the Indians, and the evidences of the national traits of the natives. His 
book has another interest, in that we find in it the earliest mention of the establishment 
of a press in Mexico.^ 

to the city of Mexico, was confronted by a for the arms of the different dioceses. It is 
radiant being who announced herself as the in two volumes, and is worth from thirty to forty 
Virgin Mary, and who said that she wished a dollars. 

church to be built on the spot. The native's The subject of early printing in Mexico has 

story, as he told it to the Bishop, was discred- been investigated by Icazbalceta in the Dicciatu 

ited, until some persons sent to follow the Indian ario universal de historia y de geografia^ v. 961 
saw him disappear unaccountably from sight. (published in Mexico in 1854), where he gives a 

It was now thought that witchcraft more list of Mexican imprints prior to 1600 (Cartcr- 
than a heavenly interposition was the cause, Brown, i. 129, 130). A similar list is given in 

until, again confronting the apparition, Diego connection with an examination of the subject 

was bidden to take some roses which the Lady by Harrisse in his BibL Amer, Vet., no. 232. 

had handled and carry them in his mantle to Mr. John Russell Bartlett gives another list 

the Bishop, who would recognize them as a (1540 to 1600) in the Carter-Brown Catalogue, 

sign. When the garment was unrolled, the fig- »• 131. and offers other essays on the subject in 

ure of the Virgin was found painted in its folds, the Historical Magazine^ November, 1858, and 

and the sign was accepted. A shrine was soon February, 1865, ^"^ again in the new edition of 

erected, as the Lady had wished; and here the ^^om?^'^ History 0/ Printing (Worcester, 1875), 

holy effigy was sacredly guarded, until it found i« 365, appendix. 

a resting-place in what is thought to be the The earliest remaining example of the first 

richest church in Mexico, erected between 1695 Mexican press which we have is a fragmentary 

and 1709; and there it still is. It has been at copy of the Manual de adultos of Crist6bal 

times subjected to some ecclesiastical scrutiny, Cabrera, which was originally discovered in the 

and there have been some sceptics and cavillers. Library of Toledo, whence it disappeared, to be 

Cf. Bancroft, Mexico^ ii. 407, and authorities again discovered by Gayangos on a London 

there cited. Lorenzana in his Cartas pastorales bookstall in 1870. It is supposed to have con- 

(1770) has given a minute account of the paint- sisted of thirty-eight leaves, and the printed date 

ing (Carter-Brown, vol. iii. no. 1,749; Sabin, of Dec. 13, 1540, is given on one of the leaves 

vol. xii. no. 56,199; and the Coleccion de obras which remain {Bibl. Amer. Vet., no. 232; Addi^ 

pertenecientes a la milagrosa aparicion de Nuestra tions^ no. 123, with fac-similes, of which a part 

Senora de Guadalupe). is given in the Carter- Brown Catalogue^ i. 131). 

1 Carter-Brown, i. 496; Bancroft, Mexico, iii. Harrisse, perhaps, is in error, as Quaritch affirms 

723. There is a copy in Harvard College {Ramirez Collection, 1880, no. 339), in assigning 

Library. There were later editions at Brussels the same date, 1540, to an edition of the Doc- 

in 1625 (Carter-Brown, ii. 300; Stevens, Histori- trina Christiana found by him at Toledo; and 

cat Collection, i. 177), and again at Valladolid in there seem to have been one or two other books 

1634 as Varia historia de la Nueva Espatia y issued by Cromberger {Catalogue Andrade,TiOS, 

Florida, segunda impresion (Carter-Brown, ii. 2,366, 2,367, 2,369, 2,477) before we come to an 

412). acknowledged edition of the Doctrina Cris* 

'- We read in the 1596 edition (p. 670) that tiana — which for a longtime was held to be the 
one Juan Pablos was the first printer in Mexico, earliest Mexican imprint — with the date of 1544. 
who printed, as early as 1535, a religious manual It is a small volume of sixty pages, "impressa 
of Saint John Climachus. The book, however, is en Mexico, en casa de Juan Cromberger '* (Rich, 
not now known (Sabin, vi. 229), and there is no 1S32, no. 14; Sabin, vol. iv. no. 16,777; Carter- 
indisputable evidence of its former existence; Brown, i. 134, with fac-similes of title; Book- 
though a similar story is told by Alonzo Fer- w<r/-w, 1S67, p. 114; Quaritch, no. 321, j«^ 12,551). 
nandez in his Historia eclesidstica (Toledo, 161 1), Of the same date is Dionisio Richel's Compen* 
and by Gil Gonzales Davila in his Tcatro cclc- dio breve que tracta a'* la manera de como se hd de 
j/i/V/Vt; (Madrid, 1649). — who gives, however, the hazer las processiones, also printed, as the earlier 
date as 1532. The Teatro is of further interest one was, by command of Bishop Zumarraga, 
for the map of the diocese of Michoacan and this time with a distinct date, — "Afiodc M. D. 



cort£s and his companions. 



401 



One of the earliest of the modern collections of docunients and early monographs is 
the Historiadares primitivos de las Indias occidentcdes of Andres Gonzales de Barcia 
Carballido y Zuniga (known usually as Barcia), published at Madrid in 1749 in three vol- 
umes folio, and enriched with the editor's notes. The sections were published separately ; 
and it was not till after the editor's death (1743) that they were grouped and put out 
collectively with the above distinctive title. In this form the collection is rare, and it has 
been stated that not over one or two nundred copies were so gathered.* 

First among all documents respecting the Conquest are the letters sent by Cortes 
himself to the Emperor ; and of these a somewhat detailed bibliographical account is 
given in the Notes following this Essay, as well as an examination of the corrective value 
of certain other contemporaneous and later writers. 



J!«^/^^!fe<i/^ 



j:///y." A copy which belonged to the Emperor 
Maximilian was sold in the Andrade sale (no. 
2,667), ^nd again in the Brinley sale (no. 5i3i7)* 
Quaritch priced Ramirez' copy in 1880 at ;f 52. 

The lists above referred to show eight separate 
issues of the Mexican press before 1545. Icaz- 
balceta puts, under 1548, the Doctrina en Mexp' 
cano as the earliest instance known of a book 
printed in the native tongue. Up to 1563, with 
the exception of a few vocabularies and gram- 
mars of the languages of the country, of the less 
than forty books which are known to us, nearly 
all are of a theological or devotional character. 
In that year (1663) Vasco de Puga*s Collection 
of Laws — ProvisioneSf cidultLSy instrucciones de su 



Majettad^^^TA printed (Quaritch, Ramiret CU» 
lectum, 1880, no. 236, ;f 30). Falkenstein in his 
GeschichU der Buchdruckerkunst (Leipsic, 1840) 
has alleged, following Pinelo and others, that a 
Collection of Laws — Ordinatioms legumque coi* 
lectiones^ was printed in 1649 > hut the existence 
of such a book is denied. Cf. Thomas, History 
of Printings i. 372; Harrisse, Bibl, Amer. VeL, 
no. 288. 

^ Quaritch, Ramirez Collection (1880), no. 28, 
£iS\ Sabin, vol. I. no. 3,349; Carter-Brown, 
iii' 893; Rich, Bibl, Nova Amer, (1835), P* 95 » 
Stevens, Bibliotheca historical no. 126; Leclerc, 
no. 50, — 400 francs; Y'ltXd^ Indian Bibliography^ 
no. 79. 



VOL. II. — 51 



402 



NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA 



N O T E51 



A. The Letters OP CortAs. — I. The Lost 
First Letter, July lo, 1519. The series of letters 
which Cortes sent to the Emperor is supposed 
to have begun with one dated at Vera Cruz in 
July, 1519, which is now lost, but which Barcia 
and Wilson suppose to have been suppressed 
by the Council of the Indies at the request of 
Narvaez. There are contemporaneous refer- 
ences to show that it once existed. Cortes him- 
self mentions it in his second letter, and Bemal 
Diaz implies that it was not shown by Cortes to 
his companions. Gomara mentions it, and is 
thought to give its purport in brief. Thinking 
that C hades V. may have carried it to Germany, 
Robertson caused the Vienna Archives to be 
searched, but without avail ; though it has been 
the belief that this letter existed there at one 
time, and another sent with it is known to be in 
those Archives. Prescott caused thorough ex- 
aminations of the repositories of London, Paris, 
and Madrid to be made, — equally without 
result. 

Fortunately the same vessel took two other 
letters, one of which we have. This was ad- 
dressed by the justicia y regimiento of La Villa 
Rica de la Vera Cruz, and was dated July 10, 
1 519. . It was discovered, by Robertson's agency, 
in the Imperial Library at Vienna. It rehearses 
the discoveries of C6rdoba and Grijalva, and 



sustains the views of Cortes, who charged Vela* 
quez with being incompetent and dishonest 
This letter is sometimes counted as the first 
of the series ; for though it was not written by 
Cortes, he is thought to have inspired it.^ 

The other letter is known only through the 
use of it which contemporary writers made. 
It was from some of the leading companions in 
arms of Cortes, who, while they praised their 
commander, had something to say of others 
not quite to the satisfaction of Cortes. The 
Conqueror, it is intimated, intrigued to prevent 
its reaching the Emperor, — which may account 
for its loss. Las Casas and Tapia both mention 
it.« 

Beside the account given in Gomara of 
Cortes' early life and his doings in the New 
World up to the time of his leaving Cuba in 
1 519, there is a contemporary narrative, quite in 
Cortes' interest, of unknown authorship, which 
was found by Mufioz at Simancas.* The Latin 
version is called "De rebus gestis Ferdinandi 
Cortesii;" but it is called "Vida de Hernan 
Cortes " in the Spanish rendering which is given 
by Icazbalceta in his Coleccitm de documentos, L 

309-357-* 

A publication of Peter Martyr at Basle in 

1 521 is often taken as a substitute for the lost 

first epistle of Cortes. This is the De nuper sub 



1 Navarrete first printed it in his Colecciony i. 421 ; it was induded also in Vedia's Historiadores primitivos 
de Indias (Madrid, 1852) ; and Gayangos, in his Cartas de Hernan Cortes (Paris, iii66) does not hesitate to let 
it stand for the first letter, while he also annotates it. It is likewise printed in the Biblioteca de auiores 
EspanoUs^ vol. xxii., and by Alaman in his Diserttuiones sobre la histaria de la Republka Mejicana^ vol. i.* 
appendix, with a sketch of the expedition. Cf. Prescott's Mexico^ i. 360, iii. 428 ; H. H. Bancroft's Mexico, L 

169. 

' Bancroft, Mexico^ i. 170. It is supposed that still a third letter went at the same time, which is now 
known to us. Three letters of this time were found in 1866 among some old account-books in a bbrary sold 
in Austria. Two of them proved to be written in Spain upon the news of Cort6s' discoveries, while one was 
written by a companion of Cort^ shortly after the landing on the Mexican coast, but is not seemingly an 
original, for it is written in German, and the heading nms : Newzeit wie uunsers alUr-gnadigistn hern des 
Romischn und hyspaenischn Koningsleut Ain Costliche Ncwe Lanndschafft habn gefundn, and bears date 
June 28, 1 5 19. There are some contradictions in it to the received accounts ; but these are less important than 
the mistake of a modem French translator, who was not aware of the application of the name of Yucatan, at 
that time, to a long extent of coast, and who supposed the letters referred to Grijalva's expedition. The 
original text, with a modem German and French version, appears in a small edition (thirty copies) which 
Frederic Muller, of Amsterdam, printed from the original manuscript (cf. his Books on America, 1872, no. 
1,144; 1877, no. 2,296, priced at 120 florins) under the title of Trois lettres sur la decotfverte de Yucatan, 
Amsterdam, 1871 (Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 66; Muller, Books on America, 1877, no. 2,296; C. H. Berendt 
in American Bibliopolist, July and August, 1872 ; Murphy, no. 2,795). 

One of the news-sheets of the time, drculated in Europe, is preserved in the Royal Librar>' at Berlin. 
A photo-lithographic fac-simile was published (one hundred copies) at Berlin in 1873. It is called: Newi 
Zeitiung, von dem lande. das die Sponier funden haben ym 1521. tare genant lucatan. It is a small quarto 
m gothic type, of four unnumber^ leaves, with a woodcut. Cf. Bibl. Amer. Vet.^ no. 70, with fac-simik 
of title ; Carter-Brown, L 69 ; Muller (1877), no. 3,593 ; Sobolewski, no. 4,153. 

* Prescott used a copy taken from Mufioz' transcript 

4 Cf. Prescott, Mexico, i. 262 ; Bancroft, Mexico, i. 72. 



cort£s and his companions. 




D Carola rtfitrtii iiuu/is . . . Pf/ri Martyris 
tnihiridion, which gives a narrative o£ the ex- 
peditions of Grijalva and Cortes, as a sort of 
supplement to what Peter Martyr had written on 
the affairs of the Indies in his Three Decades. 
It was afterward included in his Basic edition 
of 1533 and in the Paris ExIraUl of 1532,' 

Marrisse^ points out an allusion to the ex- 
pedition of Cortes and a description of those 
of Cordoba and Gtijalva, in Ein Aiisxug rirlichcr 
Sindbritff . . . von iiiegin liner nem gefunden 
/n«/n, published at Nuremberg in March, 1520;* 
and Harrisse supposes the information is de- 
rived from Peter Martyr.' Bancroft' points out 



a mere reference in a publication of 1522,— 
Transtatienust hitfaniiiher Sptaek, etc. 

II. The Second Letter, Oil. 30, 1520. We 
possess four early editions of this, — two Spanish 
(1, 2) and one Latin (3I. and one Italian (4). 

1. The earliest Spanish edition was published 
at Seville Nov. 8, [522, as CorCa de rz/ofw, having 
twenty-eight leaves, in golhic 'ype.* 

2. The second Spanish edition, Carta de rela- 
cien, was printed at Saragossa in 1524. It is in 
gothic letter, twenty-eight leaves, and has a cut 
of Cortes before Charles V. and hi» Court, of 
which a reduced facsimile is herewith given.^ 



■ Cf. Stevens, Bibliolheia hitlsrica (1870), p. 103; Hiitm-Ual CeUeetiims, 1. 342; and the s> 
" Early DcKHpIions of America " in the present work. 
» Siil. Amir. Vei., no. 179, 

• Sabnn, »i. 116 ; Carter-Brown, i. 63. 

• BiU. Amer. Vet., no. lOj. 

* Mexiea, \. 547. 

* Cf. HirniaKSiil. Amer. Vet.,tm. 118; CartoBrown, 1. 71; Bninet, U. jro; Sabin, vol. ir. n 
Folsom, introduction to his edition. The Lenox and Barlow libraries have most, if not all, of the var 
editioDi of the Cort^ tetters. 

' Cf. Sabin, vol. iv. no. 16,934, Carter-Brown, L 7j; Brunei, ii. 311 ; Biblietluta GremiiJliai 
Bibl. Amer. Fet., BO. ito; Heber, vol. vii. no. 1,884; Tenuiu, no. 27- 



NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 




3- The first Latin edition was published ii 
tolio at Nuremberg, in August, 15:4, in romai 
type, with mai^inal notes in gotliic, and wa: 



entitled I Praclara Ferdinidt Corltst 
maris Octani Hypania tiarralia. It 
work of Pierre Savoi^anus.' 



I This fac-simite follorrs the reproductian giTen by Sleveos in his Amtncan Biiihgrafhtr, p. S6, and 
tn his NMi, etc., pi, iv. Dr. Kohl published in the Zeilichrift fSr allgemeini Brdkundc, neue Folge, vol. iv., 
a paper on the " Aeltcsle Ceschlchle der Eatd«kung und Erforechuni; des Golfs von Mexico durch die 
Spanier von 1493 bis i;4J-" Cf. also Oscar Peschcl's ZtilaUcr der Enideiiungen (1S58], chap, vii., and 
Ruge's GitchUhli dti Zeilaltirs der Enldeeiungen, p. 35;. 

* CI. CtiUx-Brown, L Si ■ Bill. Amer. yet., nos. iiS, ti; ; Brunei, ii. itt; Biilhiheea GreHvilUaita, 
p. 166; Hnth, L 3!j, C. Fiilte Harris, Oi/fli'DSW, no. 896; Cooie Calahgut, vol. iii. no. 623 j Sunderland, 
■ol. ii.no. 3,479; SaUn, vol. iv. no. 16,947 i fanier, rii. 466 ; Meniel, Bibl. Hist., part i. p. 269; Temaux. 




i^,^^^ 






g)mrflara f rrWn3M . 



Cortcfiioc ^oua mari9 0ceani^y 
rpania t^3nmo SJcratiflTmo, acgnuictUTi' 

mo Carolo R.omanotLi Impcrarori fcmpci Augurto.Hyfpa 

niaru.5£ c Rcgi Anno Domini. M. D^XX-ttanfmilTa: 

In quaConcincncui Plunmafcitu/i^^dmiiactoac 

dignaCiicaegrcgiasraru jjmnrarij Vrb€S.ln« 

colaiu mores. pucrom Sactififna. Si Rdigiofas 

pcifonas.Potifrimut]; deC^tcbti Cmnate 

Tcmixtitan Variirq;illi'^mirabilib9,qu£ 

legeicnii!rificcdcletilabut.pDo(Sorc 

Pcttu raguoTgnanu Forolulicnre 

Reuen. D< loan, dc Reuellcs 

Epiico. Yicnefls Scaetahu 

ex Hylpano Idi 

omatcinlati 

nu vcrfa 

ANNO Dai. M.D.XXIIII.KL.M3itu: 



CuiD Gtaria, SC Priuilegio. 



rrn-E of the latdj coRxfe, 1524. — reduced. 

■ HebCT toI. vi. 00. 2,4iiJnd ix. <i.o: Murphy CaUlopifc no. 676; Slevens, ^»«ri™B BiHUrgrafitr, 
'. Th. book, when it conuins Ihe W< fol^ng ?^ "f Mwi'" ^^ *•« "^P "' '^' ^"" '^ "^"^' '* 
I .bout Jioo. Th* plan »nd map lie misiing from the copy in the Boston P"bUe Library. [D. Jioi- 




ARMS, OS THE REVERSE OF TITLE, OF THE LATIN CORTfc, Ij24' 




cort£s and his companions. 




CLEMENT VII,' 



4. The Italian edition. La preclara tiarratiotie This editiotl has a new engraving of the map 

M Ftrdiaando CorUte dilla A'uoiH Hispaspia dtl in the Nuremberg edition, though Quaritch and 
Mart Oieano , . . per KkoU Lihuriiio eon fidiUa others have doubted if such a map belongs to it. 
. . . Iradotta, was printed at Venice in 1524. l^clerc (no. Iji) chronicle* copies with and 
vorgnanus, without the map.' An abstracl of ihe second 
letter in Italian, Nmir de le Isolt el Terra Ferma 



1 Fac-simile of 1 cut in the Latin Cort*) of i : 
jugglen wnC to Rome by Cortij. The Conqutro' 
ttons for his (avot, which resulted in Cortis ret 
(Pre»con,iii, 199). 

* Cf. Bmnel, ii. 312, and Sufflimenl, co 
inscriptions in Italian ; Biil. Amir, yti., no. 119; 
no, 1,148 ; Court, nos. 90, 91 ; Heber, vol. ri. no. 



It w 






10 tlelightcd V 



li (he Indian 



I. 310 ; Caner-BrOHn, i. Si, which shows a map with 
Pinart, no. 161 : Sabin. vol iv. no. 16,9;! ; Panier, vol. vjii. 
.001, and X. S4S ; Walckenaer, no. 4,187. There aie copie* 




i->*fct>- 



■--'■•■i*-,'-. 



408 



NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 



nouamente trouaU^ had already appeared two 
years earlier, in 1522, at Milan.^ 

There were other contemporary abstracts of 
this letter. Sigmund Grimm, of Augsburg, is 
said to be the author of one, published about 
1522 or 1523, called Ein schotic fuwe Zeytung^ 
so kayserlich Mayestet auss India yetz nfwlich 
zukommen seind. It . is cited in Harrisse and 
the Bibliotheca Grerevilliana ; and Ternaux (no. 
5) is thought to err in assigning the date of 1520 
to it, as if printed in Augsburg. Of about the 
same date is another described by Sabin (vol. iv. 
no. 16,952) as printed at Antwerp, and called 
Tressacree ImperiaU et Ccttholique Mageste . . . 
eust nauveiUs des marches ysUs et Urre ferme 
occeanes. This seems to be based, according to 
Brunet, Supplhnenty vol. i. col. 320), on the first 
and second letters, beginning with the departure, 
in 1519, from Vera Cruz, and ending with the 
death of Montezuma.^ 

The second letter forms part of various 
collected editions, as follows: — 

In Spanish. Bancroft {Mexico^ i. 543) notes 
the second and third letters as being published 
in the Spanish Thesdro de virtudes in 1 543. 

Barcia's Historiadores primitivos (1749) ; also 
edited by Enrique de Vedia, Madrid, 1852-1853. 
Historia de Nueva Espahay escrita pot' su escla- 
recido Conquistador Hernan CortiSy aumentada 
con otros documentos y notas por Don Francisco 
Antonio Lorenzana^ arzobispo de MixicOy Mexico, 
1770. This important work, embracing the 
second, third, and fourth letters, has a large view 
of the great temple of Mexico, a map of New 
Spain,' and thirty-one plates of a hieroglyphic 
register of the tributaries of Montezuma, — the 
same later reproduced in better style by Kings- 
borough. Lorenzana was born in 1722, and 
rising through the gradations of his Church, and 
earning a good name as Bishop of Puebla, was 
made Archbishop of Toledo shortly after he had 
published the book now under consideration. 
Pius VI. made him a cardinal in 1789, and he 



died in Rome in 1804. Icazbalceta was not able 
to ascertain whether the Bishop had before him 
the original editions of the letters or Barda's re- 
print ; but he added to the value of his text by 
numerous annotations. In 1828 an imperfect 
reprint of this book, " d la ortograf fa moderna," 
was produced in New York for the Mexican 
market, by Manuel del Mar, under the title of 
Historia de Mijico^ to which a life of Cortes, by 
R. C. Sands, was added.^ Icazbalceta notes 
some of the imperfections of this edition in his 
Colecciony vol. i. p. xxxv.^ 

Cartas y relaciones al Emperador Carlos F., 
coUgidas i ilustrcuias por P, de Gayangosy 



^ d^-^^ 



O-^t^ 




Paris, 1866. Besides the Cortes letters, this dis- 
tinguished scholar included in this book vari- 
ous other contemporary documents relating to 
the Conquest, embracing letters sent to Cortes' 
lieutenants; and he also added an important 
introduction. He included the fifth letter for 
the first time in the series, and drew upon 
the archives of Vienna and Simancas with ad- 
vantage.^ 

The letters were again included in the Bib- 
lioteca histSrica de la Iberia published at Mexico 
in 1870. 

In Latin. The second and third letters, 
with the account of Peter Martyr, were issued 
at Cologne in 1532, with the title De insulis 
nuper inventisy etc., as shown in the annexed fac- 
simile of the title, with its portrait of Charles 
V. and the escutcheons of Spanish towns and 
provinces 



8 



In French. Harrisse [Bibl. Amer. Vet.y 
Additions, no. 73) notes a French rendering of a 



with another colophon {Bibl. Amer. Vet., no. 130), connecting two printers with it,— Lexona and Sabio. F. S. 
Ellis, London, 1884 (no. 60), priced a copy at £52 ioj., and Dufoss^ (no. 14,184) at 200 francs. 

1 Cf. Sabin, vol. iv. no. 16,950, and xiii. 56,052; Bibl. Amer. Vet.y no. 119; Biblioiheca Grenvilliana^ 
p. 166. 

* It is very rare, but Tross, of Paris, had a copy in his hands in 1866. 

* Annexed herewith in fac-similc. 

* Cf. Arana, Bibliografta de obras anSnimas (1882) no. 244. 

* Cf. the notice of Cortes in R. C. Sands's Writings^ vol. i. 

« The original edition of Lorenzana is usually priced at $10 to $20. Cf. Sabin, vol. iv. nos. 
16,938, 16.939, and vol. x. p. 462 ; H. H. Bancroft, Mexico, iii. 378 (with a sketch of Lorenzana) ; Brunet, 
Supple me fit, \. ^2\\ Carter-Brown, vol. iii. no. 1,750; Leclerc, no. 155; Sobolewski, no. 3,767; F. S. Ellis 
(1884), £2 2S. 

' Sabin, vol. iv. no. 16,942. Bancroft {Mexico, i. 549), speaking of Gayangos* edition, says : " Although 
a few of Lorenzana's blunders find correction, others are committed ; and the notes of the archbishop arc 
adopted without credit and without the necessary amendment of date, etc., — which often makes them absurd." 

8 The book is variously priced from $20 to |6o, Cf. Bibl. Amer. Vet., no. 168 ; Carter-Brown, vol. i. 
no. 100; Biblioieca Grenvillianay p. 167; Leclerc, no. 152; Sunderland, no. 3,480; Pinart, no. 261 ; O'Cal- 
laghan, no. 683 ; Sabin, vol. iv. nos. 16,947-16,949. There were also Latin versions in the Novus orbis of 
Grynzus, 1555 and 1616. 



cortEs and his companions. 





^DEINSVLIS NV 



PER INVENTIS FERDINANDl CORTESII 

ad Carolum V. Rom , Iniperacorcm Narratione»,cum alio 

quodam Petri Martyris ad Clemenwm Vll-Pon- 

tificcm IVIaximum confimilis argumcn tl 

libeCIo. 



^HijaccefrfnintEpinbtedurf.defeliciflimoapudrndoi 

bunnodriincrenifrto.quasfuperioribushifctdiebuiqui. ^^^, 

dam ^^reiMino.ab India in HirpaniamcranCinircninc. ~^^ 

^ Item Epjcomt de inuentts nuper India- populii idololatris 

ad Fidcm Chti(li,at^ adeo ad Ecclefiam Caiholicam conurr- 

tendis,AucoreR. P. F. Nicolao Herbom.ngolarijobftr- 

uintiK,ordiaii Minorum Gcnctali CommilFirio 

Cilinontanoi 



C Veniunmr la pbwui GaQinh 
Anno M. D. ^CXXIl. 




4IO 



NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 



text, seemingly made up of the first and second 
letters, and probably following a Spanish origi- 
nal, now lost, which was printed at Antwerp in 
1 523.1 This second letter is also epitomized in 
the French Extraict ou recueil des isles nouvelle- 
ment trotn^ids of Peter Martyr, printed at Paris 
in 1532, and in Bellegardc's Histoire universelU 
des voyages (Amsterdam, 1708), vol. i. 

The principal French translation is one based 
on Lorenzana, abridging that edition somewhat, 
and numbering the letters erroneously first, sec- 
ond, and third. It was published at Paris in 
1778, 1779, etc., under the title Correspottdance de 
Fernand Cortes avec PEmpereur Charles Quints 
and was translated by the Vicomte de Flavigny.^ 
The text of Flavigny's second letter is included 
in Charton's Voyageursy iii. 368-420. There 
were also editions of Flavigny printed in 
Switzerland and at Frankfort. 

In German. A translation of the second 
and third letters, made by Andrew Diether and 
Birck, was published at Augsburg in 1550 as 
Cortesi von dent Newen Hispanien. After the 
second letter, which constitutes part i., the begin- 
ning of part ii. is borrowed from Peter Martyr, 
which is followed by the third letter of Cortes ; 
and this is succeeded in turn, on folios 51-60, by 
letters from Venezuela about the settlements 
there (1534-1540), and one from Oviedo written 
at San Domingo in 1543. There are matters 
which are not contained in any of the Spanish 
or Latin editions.' 

The second, third, and fourth letters — trans- 
lated by J. J. Stapfer, who supplied a meritori- 
ous introduction and an appendix — were printed 
at Heidelberg in 1779 as Eroberung von Mexico^ 
and again at Berne in 1793.* Another German 
version, by Karl Wilhelm Koppe, — Drei 
Berichte des General- Kapitdns Cortes an Karl V.y 
— with an introduction and notes, was published 
at Berlin in 1834. It has the tribute-registers and 
map of New Spain, as in Lorepzana's edition.^ 



In Dutch and Flemish. Harrisse (Bibl. 
Amer, Vet.^ Additions^ no. 72) notes a tract of 
thirty leaves, in gothic letter, called De Con- 
treyen vanden Eylanden, etc., which was printed 
in Antwerp in 1523 (with a French counterpart 
at the same time), and which seems to have been 
based on the first and second letters, combined 
in a Spanish original not now known. There is 
a copy in the National Library at Paris. There 
was a Dutch version, or epitome, in the Dutch 
edition of Grynaeus, 1563, and a Flemish ver- 
sion appeared in Ablyn's Nieuwe Weerelty at 
Antwerp, 1563. There was another Dutch ren- 
dering in Gottfried and Vander Aa's Zee-en 
landreizen (1727)^ and in the Brieven van Ferdi- 
nand Cortes^ Amsterdam, 1780.'' 



In Italian. 
musio. 



In the third volume of Ra- 



In English, Alsop translated from Fla- 
vigny the second letter, in the Portfolio^ Philadel- 
phia, 181 7. George Folsom, in 1843, translated 
from Lorenzana's text the second, third, and 
fourth letters, which he published as Despatches 
written during the Conquest^ adding an introduc- 
tion and notes, which in part are borrowed from 
Lorenzana.® Willes in his edition of Eden, as 
early as 1577, had given an abridgment in his 
History of Travayle.^ (See Vol. III. p. 204.) 

III. The Third Letter ^ covering the interval ^ 
Oct. 30, 1520, to May 15, 1522. It is called Carta 
tercera de relacio^ and was printed (thirty leaves) 
at Seville in 1523.*^ 

The next year, 1 524, a Latin edition ( Tertia 
narratio) appeared at Nuremberg in connection 
with the Latin of the second letter of that date.^^ 
This version was also made by Savorgnanus, and 
was reprinted in the Novus orbis of 1555.^^ 

This third letter appeared also in collective 
editions, as explained under the head of the 
second letter. This letter was accompanied by 



1 The only copy known is noted in Tross's Catalogue ^ 1866, no. 2,881. It is in Roman letter, sixteen 
leaves. 

2 Cf. Sabin, vol. iv. no. 16,953. 

8 Cf. Bibl.Amer. Vet.,no. 297; Temaux, p. 57; Tromel, p. 14; Brunet, ii. 312; Stevens, Nuggets, i. 
1 88 ; O'Callaghan, no. 989 ; Sobolewski, no. 3,766 ; J. J. Cooke, iii. 624 (copy now in Harvard College Libranr-). 
It is usually priced at £2 or £3. Dufoss^ (1S84, no. 14,185) held a copy at 100 francs. 

• Cf. .Sabin, vol. iv. no. 16.95S. 

• Cf. Sabin, vol. iv. no. 16,959. 

• Cf. Carter-Brown, iii. 113. 

7 Cf. Sabin, vol. iv. no. 16,962. 

• Cf. Sabin, vol. iv. 16,964. 

• Cf. on the second letter, Prescott, Mexico^ Kirk's ed., ii. 425. 

W Cf. Rich, (1832) no. 5, — £10 \os.: Stevens, American Bibliographer^ p. 84; Biblioiheca Grenvilliana^ 
p. 166; Panzer, vii. 122; Hcber, vol. vii. no. 1,884; Temaux, no. 26; Brunet, ii. 311; Bibl.Amer. Vef,,i\o. 
121 ; Carter-Brown, L 74; Sabin. vol. iv. no. 16,935. 

11 Priced by F. S. Ellis (1884) at £18 i8j. 

W Cf. Carter-Brown, i. 83; Temaux, no. 33 ; Bibl. Amer. Vet., no. 126 ; Bibliotheca GrenvilUanay p. 167. 
Brunet, ii. 312 ; Sabin, vol. iv. no. 16,948; Stevens, American Bibliographer, p. Z-j. There is a copy of tht 
1524 edition in the Boston Public Library. [D. 3101. 56, no. 2]. 



cort£s and his companions. 411 

what is known as the "secret letter," which was but not printed at length till it appeared in the 

first pTinted in the Documfntos MditoSf i, II, in Coleccion de documetUos iniditos {Espaha), iv. 

Kingsborough, vol. viii., and in Gayangos' edi- 8-167, with other "relaciones" on this expe- 

tion of the letters. dition. George Folsom reprinted it in New 

York in 1848 as "carta sexta . . . publicada 

IV. The Fourth Letter, covering the interval, ahora por primera vez " by mistake for " carta 
May, 1522, to October, 1 524. There were two quinta."® It was translated and annotated by 
Spanish editions {a, b). Gayangos f or the Hakluyt Society in 1868.' Gay- 

a. La quarta relacion (To\tdo,\$2^), in goth\Q angos had already included it in his edition of 
letter, twenty-one leaves.^ the Cartas, 1866, and it had also been printed 

b. Laquarta reiacio (\^\tnc\z^ 1526), ingothic by Vedia in Ribadeneyras' Biblioteca cU autares 
type, twenty-six leaves.^ Espaholes ( 1852), vol. xxii., and later in the Biblio- 

This letter was accompanied by reports to teca hist6rica de la Iberia (1870). Extracts in 

Cortes from Alvarado and Godoy, and these are English are given in the appendix of Prescott's 

also included in Barcia, Ramusio, etc. ^ Mexico, vol. iii. Mr. Kirk, the editor of Pres- 

A secret letter (dated October 15) of Cor- cott, doubts if the copy in the Imperial Library 
t^s to the Emperor, — Esta es una carta que at Vienna is the original, because it has no date. 
Hernando Corth escrruio cU Emperador, — sent A copy at Madrid, purporting to be made from 
with this fourth letter, is at Simancas. It was the original by Alonzo Diaz, is dated Sept. 3, 
printed by Icazbalceta in 1855 (Mexico, sixty 1526,^ and is preferred by Gayangos, who col- 
copies),' who reprinted it in his Coleccion, i. 470. lated its text with that of the Vienna Library. 
Gayangos, in 1866, printed it in his edition Various other less important letters of Cortes 
(p. 325) from a copy which Mufioz had made, have been printed from time to time.' 
Icazbalceta again printed it sumptuously, "en 

caracteres g6ticos del siglo XVI.," at Mexico in In estimating the letters of Cortes as his- 

1865 (seventy copies).* This letter also appears torical material, the soldierly qualities of them 

in collections mentioned under the second letter, impressed Prescott, and Helps is struck with 

It was in this letter that Cortes explained to the their directness so strongly that he is not willing 

Emperor his purpose of finding the supposed strait to believe in the prevarications or deceits of any 

which led from the Atlantic to the south sea. part of them. H. H. Bancroft,^** on the contrary, 

discovers in them "calculated misstatements, 

V. The fifth letter, dated Sept. 3, 1526. It both direct and negative." It is well known 
pertains to the famous expedition to Honduras.^ that Bemal Diaz and Pedro de Alvarado made 
It is called Carta quinta de relacion, and was dis- complaints of their leader's too great willing- 
covered through Robertson's instrumentality, ness to ignore all others but himself.^^ 

1 Cf. Sabin, vol. iv. no. 16,936; Carter-Brown, i. 85; Brunet, ii. 311; Bibl, Amer. Vet., no. 135; 
Bibliotheca Grenvilliana, p. 166. 

3 The only copy known is that in the Carter-Brown Library {Catalogue, no. 88). Cf. Sabin, vol. iv. no. 
'6,937 : Bibl. Amer. Vet., no. 138 ; Stevens, American Bibliographer, p. 85 ; Brunet, ii. 312 ; Panzer, x. 28: 
Heber, vol. vii. no. 1,884 » Bibliotheca Grenvilliana, p. 166 ; Temaux, no. 34. 

8 Sabin, vol. iv. no. 16,940. 

* Cf. Sabin, vol. iv. no. 16,941 ; Carter-Brown, i. 84 ; Court, no. 89 ; Prescott, Mexico, iii. 248. 

* A letter about the Olid rebellion is lost ; Helps, iii. 37. 

* Cf. Sabin, vol. iv. no. 16,943. 

" Cf. H. Vattemare in Revue contemporaine, 1870, vii. 532. 

8 I'Tescott's Mexico, iii. 266. Cf. references on this expedition to Honduras in H. H. Bancroft's Central 
America, i. 537, 567, 582; ii. 144; and his Native Races, iv. 79. This Honduras expedition is also the 
subject of one of Ixtlilxochitl's Relaciones, printed in Kingsborough 's ninth volume. 

« Cartas al Emperador (Sept. 11, 1526, Oct. 10, 1530), in Documentos inediios {Espaha), i. 14, 31, and 
in Kingsborough 's Mexico, vol. viii.; Memorial al Emperador (1539) in Documentos iniditos, iv. 201. Cf. 
also Purchas, v. 858, and Ramusio, iii. 187. His Oltima y sentidisima carta, Feb. 3, 1544, is given in Docu- 
mentos iniditos, i. 41, and in Prescott's Mexico, Kirk's ed., iii. 460. Other letters of Cortes are in the 
Pacheco Coleccion and in that of Icazbalceta. The twelfth volume of the Biblioteca histSrica de la Iberia 
(Mexico, 1871), with the special title of Escritos sueltos de Cortes, gives nearly fifty documents. Icazbal- 
ceta, in the introduction of vol. i. p. xxxvii. of his Coleccion, gives a list of the escritos sueltos of Cort6s in 
connection with a full bibliography ot the series of Cartas, with corrections, derived largely from Harrisse. 
in vol. ii. p. Ixiii. 

^^ Mexico, i. 549, 696. " Ever ready with a lie when it suited his purpose; but he was far too wise a man 
needlessly to waste so useful an agent." — Early American Chroniclers, p. 16. 

^i Harrisse {Bibl. Amer. Vet.) giv^ numerous references on Cortes. It is somewhat singular that there is 
no mention of him in the Novus orbis oi 1532, and none in De Bry. Mr. Brcvoort prepared the article on 
Cortes in Sabin's Dictionary. 



412 



NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 



B. Three Contemporary Writers, — Go- 
MARA, Bernal Diaz, and Sahagun. — Fortu- 
nately we have various other narratives to qualify 
or confirm the recitals of the leader. 

In 1 540, when he was thirty years old, Fran- 
cisco Lopez Gomara became the chaplain and 
secretary of Cortes. In undertaking an his- 
torical record in which his patron played a lead- 
ing part, he might be suspected to write some- 
what as an adulator ; and so Las Casas, Diaz, 
and many others have claimed that he did, and 
Munoz asserts that Gomara believed his author- 
ities too easily.^ That the Spanish Government 
made a show of suppressing his book soon after 
it was published, and kept the edict in their 
records till 1729, is rather in favor of his honest 
chronicling. Gomara had good claims for con- 
sideration in a learned training, a literary taste, 
and in the possession of facilities which his 
relations with Cortes threw in his way ; and we 
find him indispensable, if for no other reason, 
because he had access to documentary evidence 
which has since disappeared. His questionable 
reputation for bias has not prevented Hcrrera 
and other later historians placing great depend- 



ence on him, and a native writer of the begin 
ning of the seventeenth century, Chimalpain, 
has translated Gomara, adding some illustra* 
tions for the Indian records.^ 

Gomara's book is in effect two distinct ones, 
though called at first two parts of a Historia gen- 
eral de las Indias. Of these the second part — 
La conquista de Mixico — appeared earliest, at 
Saragossa in 1552, and is given to the Conquest 
of Mexico, while the first part, more particularly 
relating to the subjugation of Peru, appeared in 
1553.8 What usually passes for a second edi- 
tion appeared at Medina del Campo, also in 
1553;* and it was again reprinted at Saragossa 
in 1554, this time as two distinct works, — one, 
Cronica de la Nueva Espaha con la conquista de 
MSxico ; and the other, La historia general de las 
Indias y Nuez'o Mundo.^ The same year (1554) 
saw several editions in Spanish at Antwerp, with 
different publishers.* An Italian edition fol- 
lowed in 1 555-1 556, for one titlepage, /T/j/or/Vr 
del . . . iapitano Don Ferdinando Cortisy is dated 
1556, and a second, Historia de Mexico, has 
1 555, — both at Rome.'' Other editions, more or 
less complete, are noted as published in Venice 



1 Ticknor, Spanish Literature^ ii. 30; Prescott's Mexico^ i. 474, and Peru^ ii. 304, 457; H. H. Bancroftj 
Central America^ \. 314, his Mexico^ and his Early American Chroniclers^ p. 21. 

2 There are curious stories about this book, in which there is not entire accord with one another. The fact 
seems to be that Bustamante got hold of the manuscript, and supposed it an original work of Chimalpain, and 
announced it for publication in a Spanish dress, as translated from the Nahuatl, under the title of Historia de 
las conquistas de Hernando Cortes, under which name it appeared in two volumes in Mexico in 1826 {Ticknor 
Catalogue, p. 207). Bandelier and others referring to it have supposed it to be what the title represented 
(Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc., new series, i. 84; cf. Bibl. Amer. Vet., p. 204); but it is printed in Spanish never- 
theless, and is nothing more than a translation of Gomara. Bustamante in his preface docs not satisfy the 
reader's curiosity, and this Mexican editor's conduct in the matter has been the subject of apology and suspi- 
cion. Cf. Quaritch's Catalogues, nos. 11,807, 12,043, 17,632; H. H. Bancroft, Central America ^ i. 315; 
Sabin, vii. no. 27,753. Quaritch adds that Bustamante's text seems rather like a modern impnovement of 
Gomara than a retranslation, and that a manuscript apparently different and called Chimalpain*s histor>' was 
»old in the Abbd Fischer's sale in 1869. 

8 It is a small folio, and has become extremely rare, owing, perhaps, in part to the attempted suppression 
of it, Quaritch in 1883 priced a copy at JG75. It should have two maps, one of the Indies, the other of the 
Old World (Temaux, no. 61 ; Carter-Brown, nos. 177, 178 ; Sunderland, vol. iii. no. 7,575 ; Library of an Eliz- 
abethan Admiral^ '883, no. 338; Leclerc, no. 2,779; Rich (1832), no. 23, .£10 loj. ; Sabin, vol. vii. no. 27,724; 
Murphy, no. 1,062). 

"* Carter-Brown, vol. i. nos. 179, 180 ; Sabin, vol. vii. no. 27,725 ; Leclerc, 800 francs. Mr. J. C. Brevoort 
has a copy. Sabin (no. 27,726) notes a Conquista de Mexico (Madrid, 1553) which he has not seen, but 
describes it at second hand as having the royal arms where the Medina edition has the arms of Cortes, and 
intimates that this last may have been the cause of the alleged suppression. 

6 Carter-Brown, vol. i. nos. 187, 188, with a fac-simile of the title of the former; and on p. 169 is noted 
another Saragossa edition of 1555. Sabin, vol. vii. nos. 27,727, 27,728. 

6 Historia de Mexico^ Juan Steelsio, and again Juan Bellero (with his map) ; La historia general dc las 
Indias, Steelsio. These are in Harvard College Library. Sabin (vol. vii. nos. 27,729-27,732) notes of these 
Antwerp editions, — Historia general, Nucio, Steelsio, and Bellero ; Historia de Mexico, Bellero, Lacio, Steelsio ; 
and Conquista de Mexico, Nucio. The Carter-Brown Catalogue (nos. 189-193) shows the Historia de Mexico 
with the Steelsio and Bellero imprints, and copies of the Historia general with the imprints of Bellero and 
Martin Nucio. Quaritch prices the Bellero Mexico at £^ ^s. Rich priced it in i S3 2 at -C3 35. There is a 
Steelsio Mexico in the Boston Public Librar>'. Cf. Huth Catalogue, ii. 605; Muri)hy, nos. 1,057-1,059; 
Court, nos. 146, etc. Of the later Spanish texts, that in Barcia's Historiadores pritnitivos (i 748-1 749) is muti- 
lated ; the best is that in the Biblioteca de autores Espanoles, published at Madrid in 1852. 

7 Such, at least, is the condition of the copy in Harvard College Lil^ary ; while the two titles are attached 
to different copies in the Carter-Brown Catalogue, \o\. \. nos. 199, 210. The J/^^r/rt; is also in the Boston 
Athenx'um. Cf. O'Callaghan Catalogiu, no. 989. Sabin (vol. vii. nos. 27.734-27,735) says the 1555 title is a 



CORTtS AND HIS COMPANIONS. 



HISPANIA VICTRIX. 




PRIMERAYSECVNDAPAR 

te dc la hilboriageneral de las Indias c6 to4o cl dcicu- 

fcnfntcmo^ceGttm>UMesf]iwlianacaelcid»dcaiJeqdcfeguarfUiii^ 
de mi.CftaJan>imiitflaJcMexkojrJdtt>ucMaElpifia. 

ZalMiHUCni|K>;p««<Gaill«niiod(MiUii. *S*r 



ia grniraU dtHs iHaii Kcidcntali {^ome, 1556), which he calls 
7,7.16; Carter- Brown, vol. i. no. 100. F " " " 



lancellfd one. Mr. Brevoort posMisM a HislBria grntraU drlh Iitaii Kcidcntali (Borne, is;6), which he calls 
lUiiiilation ol part t. Cf. SaWn. vol vii. no. 17,7.16; Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 100. F. S. Ellii (1884, no. 
Ill) prion a copy at £1 it. SaKn (no. 17,717) also notes a Gonian,aj published in ij;7 at Venice, as the 
Mcond part o( a history, of which Cieta it Leon's was the firil pait. 



414 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 

in 1560, 1564, 1565, 1*566, 1570, 1573, 1576, and Diaz had begun the writing of it in 1568 at 

1599.1 The earliest French edition appeared Santiago in Guatemala, when, as he tells us, 
at Paris in 1 568 and 1 569, for the two dates and 

two imprints seem to belong to one issue ; and / /^ /\ 
its text — a not very creditable translation by / (Jr j^^fl'^"^ ^ ^^n US / 
Fumee — was reproduced in the editions of 1 577, \ /^y^^^^\ / ^^- v ^|t^ / 
1578, 1580, and with some additions in 1584, 1587, t^^ C. J / 
1588, and 1597.^ The earliest edition in Eng- 
lish omits much. It is called T/ie Pleasant His- only five of the original companions of Cortes 
tarie of the Conqtiest of the IVeast India, now called remained alive.^ It is rudely, or rather simply, 
New Spayney atchieved by the worthy Pritue Her- written, as one might expect. The author has 
nando Cortes^ Marques of the valley of HuaxacaCy none of the practised arts of condensation ; and 
most delectable to reade^ trattslated out of the Span- Prescott' well defines the story as long-winded 
ishe tongue by 7\homas] A'[icholas]f published by and gossiping, but of great importance. It is 
Henry Bynneman in 1 578.^ Gomara himself indeed inestimable, as the record of the actor in 
warned his readers against undertaking a Latin more than a hundred of the fights which marked 
version, as he had one in hand himself; but it the progress of the Conquest. The untutored air 
was never printed.* of the recital impressed Robertson and Southey 

with confidence in its statements, and the reader 

Gomara had, no doubt, obscured the merits does not fail to be conscious of a minute ren- 

of the captains of Cortes in telling the story of dering of the life which made up those eventful 

that leader's career. Instigated largely by this, days. His criticism of Cortes himself does not, 

and confirmed in his purpose, one of the par- by any means, prevent his giving him great 

takers in the glories and hardships of the Con- praise ; and, as Prescott says,^ he censures his 

quest was impelled to tell the story anew, in the leader, but he does not allow any one else to do 

light of the observation which fell to a subordi- the same. The lapse of time before Diaz set 

nate. He was not perhaps so much jealous of about his literary task did not seem to abate his 

the^ame of Cortes as he was hurt at the neglect zeal or check his memory; but it docs not fail, 

by Gomara of those whose support had made however, to diminish our own confidence a good 

the fame of Cortes possible. This was Bernal deal. Prescott ^ contends that the better the 

Diaz del Castillo, and his book is known as the acquaintance with Diaz' narrative, the less is the 

JliUoria verdadera de la conquista de la Nueva trust which one is inclined to put in it.^ The 

Espaha^ which was not printed till 1632 at Spanish text which we possess is taken, it is 

Madrid, nor had it been written till half a cen- said, directly from the original manuscript, which 

tury after the Conquest, during which interval the had slumbered in private hands till Father 

name of Cortes had gathered its historic prestige. Alonso Remon found it, or a copy of it, in Spain, 

1 Carter-Brown, vol. i. nos. 232, 233, 250, 306, 541 ; Sabin, vol. vii. nos. 27,739-27,745. The Historia 
general was published in Venice in 1565 as the second part of a Historte deW Indie^ of which Cieza de Leon's 
Historic del Peru-ji^s the first part, and Gomara's Conquista di Messico (1566) was the third. This Italian 
translation was made by Lucio Mauro. The three parts are in Harvard College Library and in the Boston 
Public Library (Sabin, vol. vii. no. 27,738). 

2 Carter-Brown, vol. i. nos. 273, 274, 314, 324, 334, 357, 371, 375; Sabin, vol. vii. nos. 27,746-27,750; 
Murphy, nos. 1,059*, 1,061 ; O'Callaghan, no. 990. F. S. Ellis (1884, no. 108) prices the 1569 edition at 
£10 10/. The 1578 and 1588 editions are in Harvard College Library, — the latter is called Voyages et con- 
questes du Capitaine Ferdinand Courtots. Cf. Sabin, vol. iv. no. 16,955. Harrisse says that Oviedo, as 
well as Gomara, was used in this production. There were later French texts in 1604, 1605, and 1606. Cf. 
Carter-Brown, vol. ii. nos. 34, 46; Rich (1832), no. 104; Sabin (vol. vii. no. 27,749) also says of the 1606 
edition that pp. 67-198 are additional to the 1578 edition. 

8 Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 323: Menzies, no. 814; Crown inshield, no. 285 ; Rich (1832), no. 58; Brinley, 
no. 5,309; Murphy, no. 1,060. There are copies of this and of the 1596 reprint in Harvard College Library ; 
and of the 1578 edition in the Massachusetts Historical Society's Library and in Mr. Deane's Collection; 
cf. Vol. ni. pp. 27, 204. An abridgment of Gomara had already been given in 1555 by Eden in his Decades, 
and in 1577 in Eden's History of Travayle : and his account was later followed by Hakluyt. 

^ The bibliography of Gomara in Sabin (vol. vii. p. 395) was compiled by Mr. Brevoort The Carter- 
Brown Catalogue (vol. i. p. 169) gives a list of editions ; cf. Lederc, no. 243, etc. 

6 Bancroft {Mexico, ii. 339) gives references for tracing the Conquerors and their descendants. 

6 Mexico^ ii. 146; cf. H. H. Bancroft, Early Chronulers, p. 14. 

7 Ibid., ii. 459. 

8 Ibid., i. 473. J J • 

P Bancroft speaks of the account's ''exceeding completeness, its many new facts, and varied version 

{Mexico, i. 697). 



CORTfiS AND HIS COMPANIONS. 



415 



and obtained a decree to print it,^ about fifty 
years after Diaz' death, which occurred in 1 593, 
or thereabouts. 

The nearest approach among contemporaries 
to a survey of the story of the Conquest from the 
Aztec side is that given by the Franciscan, 
Sahagun, in connection with his great work on 
the condition of the Mexican peoples prior to 
the coming of the Spaniards. Sahagun came to 
Mexico in 1529. He lived in the new land for 
over sixty years, and acquired a proficiency in 
the native tongue hardly surpassed by any other 
of the Spaniards. He brought to the new field 
something besides the iconoclastic frenzy that 
led so many of his countrymen to destroy what 
they could of the literature and arts of the Aztecs, 
— so necessary in illustration of their pagan life 
and rites. This zealous and pious monk turned 
aside from seeking the preferments of his class 



to study the motives, lives, and thoughts of the 
Aztec peoples. He got from them their hiero- 
glyphics ; these in turn were translated into the 
language of their speech, but expressed in the 
Roman character ; and the whole subjected more 
than once to the revising of such of the natives 
as had, in his day, been educated in the Spanish 
schools.2 Thirty years were given to this kind 
of preparation ; and when he had got his work 
written out in Mexican, the General of his Order 
seized it, and some years elapsed before a resti- 
tution of it was made. Sahagun had got to be 
eighty years old when, with his manuscript 
restored to him, he set about re-writing it, with 
the Mexican text in one column and the Spanish 
in another. The two huge volumes of this script 
found their way to Spain, and were lost sight of 
till Munoz discovered them in the convent of 
Tolosa in Navarre, not wholly unimpaired by 
the vicissitudes to which they had been subjected. 



1 Scherzer (in his edition of Ximenes' Las hisiorias del origen de los Indies de esta provincia de 
Guatemala^ 1^57) says that the text as published is very incorrect, and adds that the original manuscript is in 
the city library at Guatemala. Brasseur says he has seen it there. It is said to have a memorandum to show 
that it was finished in 1605 at Guatemala. We have no certain knowledge of Diaz* death to confirm the 
impression that he could have lived to the improbable age which this implies. (Cf. Magazine of American 
History^ \. 129, 32S-329.) There are two editions of it, in different type, which have the seal of authenticity. 
One was dated in 1632; the other, known as the second ecUtion, is without date, and has an additional chapter 
(numbered wrongly ccxxii.) concerning the portents among the Mexicans which preceded the coming ojf the 
Spaniards. It is explained that this was omitted in the first edition as not falling within the personal 
observation of Diaz. (Cf. Sabin, vol. vi. nos. 19,978, 19,979; Carter-Brown, ii. 387; Murphy, no. 790; Court, 
nos. 106, 107 ; Leclerc, no. 1,115. ^^^ priced it in his day at %\o \ it now usually brings about $30.) There 
are later editions of the Spanish text, — one issued at Mexico in 1 794-1 795, in four small voliunes (Sabin, vol. vi. 
no. 19,980 ; Leclerc, no. 1,117, 40 francs) ; a second, Paris, 1837 (Sabin, vol. vi. no. 19,981) ; and another, published 
in 1854, in two quarto volumes, with annotations from the Cort6s letters, etc. It is also contained in Vedia's 
e<Ution of the Historiadores primittvos^ vol. ii. There are three German editions, one published at Hamburg 
in 1848, with a preface by Karl Ritter, and others bearing date at Bonn, 1838 and 1843 (Sabin, vi. no. 
19,986-19,987). There are two English versions, — one by Maurice Keating, published at London in 1800 
(with a large map of the Lake of Mexico), which was reprinted at Salem, Mass., in 1803 (Sabin, vol. vi. nos. 
19,984-19,985). Mr. Deane points out how Keating, without any explanation, transfers from chap, xviii. and 
other parts of the text sundry passages to a preface. A second English translation, — Memoirs of Diaz, — 
by John Ingram Lockhart, was published in Loudon in 1844 (Sabin, vol. vi. no. 19,983), and is also in- 
cluded in Kerr's Voyages, vols. iii. and iv, Munsell issued an abridged English translation by Arthur Prymne 
at Albany in 1839 (Sabin, vol. vi. no. 19,982). The best annotated of the modern issues is a French translation 
by D, Jouxds^net, Hisioire veridigue de la conquZte de la Nouvclle Espagne, Paris, 1876. In the following 
year a second edition was issued, accompanied by a study on the human sacrifices of the Aztecs, and enriched 
with notes, a bibliography, and a chapter from Sahagun on the vices of the Mexicans. It also contained a 
modem map of Mexico, showing the marches of Cortes ; the map of the valley, indicating the contraction of 
the lake (the same as used by Jourdanet in other works), and a reproduction of a map of the lake illustrating 
the operations of Cortes, which follows a map given in the Mexican edition of Clavigero. A list of the Con- 
quistadores gives three hundred and seventy-seven names, which are distinguished apart as constituting the 
followers of Cortfe, Camargo, Salcedo, Garay, Narvaez, and Ponje de Leon. This list is borrowed from the 
Diccionario universal de historia y de geografia, . . . especialmente sobre la republica Mexicana, 1853-1856. 
(Cf. Norton^ s Literary Gazette, Jan. 15, 1835, and Revue de% questions historiques, xxiii. 249.) This Diccio- 
nario was published at Mexico, in 1853-1856, in ten volumes, based on a similar work printed in Spain, but 
augmented in respect to Mexican matters by various creditable collaborators, while vols, viii., ix., and x. 
are entirely given to Mexico, and more particularly edited by Manuel Orozco y Berra. The work is worth 
about 400 francs. The Cartas de Indias (Madrid, 1877) contained a few unpublished letters of Bemal Diaz. 

3 Sahagun's study of the Aztec tongue was a productive one. Biondelli published at Milan in 1858, from 
a manuscript by Sahagun, an Evangelarium epistolarium et lectionarium Aztecum sive Mexicanum, ex 
antiquo codics Mexicano nuper reperto; and Quaritch in 1880 {Catalogue, p. 46, no. 261, etc.) advertised various 
other manuscripts of his Sermoms in Mexicano, etc. Jourdanet in his edition (p. x.) translates the opinion 
of Sahagun given bj his contemporary and fellow-Franciscan, Fray Geronimo Mendieta, in his Historia ecUsi' 
astica Indiana (Mexico, i860) p. 633. There is a likeness of Sahagun in Cumplido's edition of Prescott's 
Mexico, published at Mexico in 1846, vol. iii. 



4i6 



NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 



The Nahuatl text, which made part of it, is still 
missing.^ 

It was not long afterward (1829-1830) printed 
by Cdrlos Maria Bustamante in three volumes 
as Historia general de las cosas de Nueva Espaha? 
to which was added, as a fourth volume, also pub- 
lished separately, Historia de la conquista de 
MixicOy containing what is usually cited as the 
twelfth book of Sahagun. In this, as in the other 
parts, he used a copy which Mufioz had made, 




and which is the earlier draft of the text as 
Sahagun formed it. It begins with a recital of 
the omens which preceded the coming of Gri- 
jalva, and ends with the fall of the city ; and it is 
written, as he says, from the evidence, in large 
part, of the eye-witnesses, particularly on the 
Aztec side, though mixed, somewhat confusedly, 
with recollections from old Spanish soldiers. 
Harrisse' speaks of this edition as "castrated 
in such a way as to require, for a perfect under- 
standing of this dry but important book, the 
reading of the parts published in vols. v. and 
vi. of Kingsborough." The text, as given in 
Kingsborough's Mexico^ began to api)ear about 
a year later, that edition only giving, in the first 
instance, book vi., which relates to the customs 
of the Aztecs before the Conquest; but in a later 
volume he reproduced the whole of the work 
without comment. Kingsborough had also used 



the Mufioz text, and has made, according to Sim- 
eon, fewer errors in transcribing the Nahuatl 
words than Bustamante, and has also given a 
purer Spanish text. Bustamante again printed, 
in 1840, another text of this twelfth book, after a 
manuscript belonging to the Conde de Cortina, 
appending notes by Clavigcro and others, with 
an additional chapter.* The Mexican editor 
claimed that this was the earlier text ; but Pres- 
cott denies it. Torquemada is thought to have 

used, but without due ac- 
knowledgment, still another 
text, which is less modified 
than the others in expres- 
sions regarding the Conquer- 
ors. The peculiar value of 
Sahagun's narrative hardly 
lies in its completeness, pro^ 
portions, or even trustworthi- 
ness as an historical record. 
" His accuracy as regards any 
historical fact is not to be 
relied on," says Helps.* Bre- 
voort calls the work of inter- 
est mainly for its records of 
persons and places not found elsewhere.^ Pres- 
cott thinks that this twelfth book is the most 
honest record which the natives have left us, as 
Sahagun embodies the stories and views preva- 
lent among the descendants of the victims of the 
Conquest. " This portion of the work," he says, 
" was re-written by Sahagun at a later period of 
his life, and considerable changes were made in 
it ; vet it mav be doubted if the reformed version 
reflects the traditions of the countrj' as faith- 
fully as the original draft."" This new draft 
was made by Sahagun in 1585, thirty years after 
the original writing, for the purpose, as he saj's, 
of adding some things which had been omitted, 
and leaving out others. Prescott could not find, 
in comparing this later draft with the earlier, 
that its author had mitigated any of the state- 
ments which, as he first wrote them, bore so 
hard on his countrvmen. The same historian 



1 A part of the oriKinal manuscript of Sahagun was exhibited, says Brinton {^Aboriginal American 
Authors, p. 27), at the Ci)nKres des Americanistes at Madrid in iSSi. 

a I'*icI(I, Indian Bibliography, no. 1 , 34S. Stevens {Historical Collections, vol . i., no. i ,573 ) mentions a copy 
of tliiH edition, which has notes and collations with the original manuscript made by Don J. F. Ramirez. Cf. 
Ticknor Catalogue, p. 316. 

■ liibl. Amer. Vet., no. 20S. 

< The lxK)k was called: Lit aparicion de M'''-'. Seiiora de Guadalupe de Mexico, comprobada con la 
refutacion del argumento negatiiv que presenta Mufioz, fundandose en el testimonio del P. Fr. Bernardino 
Sahagun ; 6 sea : Historia orit^inal de este escritor, que altera la publicada en 1S29 en el equivocado concepto de 
str la unica y orii;inal de dicho autor. PiiNiiala, precediendo una diseriacion sobre la aparicion guadalupane^ 
y con notas sobre la conquista de Mexico. Cf. Tiiknor Catalogue^ p. 46. 

* S/anith Conquest, \i. 34^). 

« Magauine of American History (November, 1S81) p. 37S. Cf. other estimates in H. H. Bancroft's 
Mexico^ i. 493, TkX); Natix^ Races, iii. 231-236: F.arly Chroniclers, pp. 10, 20. Bernal Diaz and Sahagun 
are contnwted by Jourdanet in the intnKluctitm to his edition of the latter. Cf. also Jourdanet's edition of 
Bernal l>Ux and the article on Sahagun by Ferdinand Denis in the Reiue des Deux Mondes. 

^ Prencott'B Mexico, Kirk's cd. ii. 3S. 



CORTfeS AND HIS COMPANIONS. 



417 



thinks there is but little difference in the intrin- 
sic value of the two drafts.* 

The best annotated edition of Sahagun is a 
French translation, published in Paris in 1880 as 
Histoire gifUrale des choses cU la NottvelU Espagne, 
seemingly from the Kingsborough text, which is 
more friendly to the Spaniards than the first of 
Bustamante. The joint editors are Denis Jour- 
danet and Remi Simeon, the latter, as a Nahuatl 
scholar, taking charge of those portions of the 
text which fell within his linguistic range, and 
each affording a valuable introduction in their 
respective studies.* 

C. Other Early Accounts. — The Voy- 
agest Relations^ et Mhnoires of Temaux-Compans 
(Paris, 1837-1840) offer the readiest source of 
some of the most significant of the documents 
and monographs pertaining to early Mexican 
history. Two of the volumes • gather some of 
the minor documents. Another volume* is 
given to Zurita's ** Rapport sur les diff^rentes 
classes des chefs de la Nouvelle Espagne." 
Three others ^ contain an account of the cruel- 
ties practised by the Spaniards at the Conquest, 
and the history of the ancient kings of Tezcuco, 
— both the work of Ferdinando d'Alva Ixtlilxo- 
chitl.* The former work, not correctly printed, 
and called, somewhat arbitrarily. Horribles cruel' 
dades de los Conquistadores de Mixico^ was first 
published by Bustamante, in 1829, as a supple- 
ment to Sahagun. The manuscript (which was 
no. 13 of a number of Noticuu^ or Relaciones his- 
tSricas^ by this native writer) had been for a 
while after the writer's death (about 1648) pre- 
served in the library of the Jesuit College in 
Mexico, and had thence passed to the archivo- 
general of the State. It bears the certificate of 
a notary, in 160S, that it had been compared 
with the Aztec records and found to be correct. 
The original work contained several Relaciones^ 
but only the one (no. 13) relating to the Conquest 
was published by Bustamante and Ternaux.' 

The other work of Ixtlilxochitl was first 
printed (after Veytia's copy) in Spanish by 



Kingsborough, in his ninth volume, before Ter- 
naux, who used another copy, included it in his 
collection under the title of Histoire des Chi- 
chimeque ou des anciens Rois de Tezcuco. This is 
the only work of Ixtlilxochitl which has been 
printed entire. According to Clavigero, these 
treatises were written at the instance of the 
Spanish viceroy; and as a descendant of the 
royal line of Tezcuco (the great great-grandson, 
it is said, of the king of like name) their author 
had great advantages, with perhaps great predis- 
positions to laudation, though he is credited 
with extreme carefulness in his statements ; ^ and 
Prescott affirms that he has been followed with 
confidence by such as have had access to his 
writings. Ixtlilxochitl informs us that he has 
derived his material from such remains of his an- 
cestral documents as were left to him. He seems 
also to have used Gomara and other accessible 
authorities. He lived in the early part of the 
seventeenth century, and as interpreter of the 
viceroy maintained a respectable social position 
when many of his royal line were in the hum- 
blest service. His Relaciottes are hardly regular 
historical compositions, since they lack inde- 
pendent and compact form; but his Historia 
Chichimeca is the best of them, and is more de- 
pended upon by Prescott than the others are. 
There is a certain charm in his simplicity, his 
picturesqueness, and honesty; and readers ac- 
cept these qualities often in full recompense for 
his credulity and want of discrimination, — and 
perhaps for a certain servility to the Spanish mas- 
ters, for whose bounty he could press the claims 
of a line of vassals of his own blood.* 

D. Native Writers. — The pious vandal- 
ism of the bishops of Mexico and Yucatan, 
which doomed to destruction so much of the 
native records of days antecedent to the Con- 
quest,^*^ fortunately was not so ruthlessly exer- 
cised later, when native writers gathered up 
what they could, and told the story of their peo- 
ple's downfall, either in the language of the 
country or in an acquired Spanish.^^ Brasseur 



1 Prescott, Mexico^ iii. 214. 

a Mr. Brcvoort reviewed this edition in the Afagatine of American History, 

8 Vols. X. and xvi. In one of these is the Chronica Comfendiosissima of Amandus (Antwerp, 1534), 
which contains the letters of Peter of Ghent, or De Mura, — Recueil des pieces relatives h la ConquZte du Mex- 
ique, pp. 193-203. Cf. Sabin, vol. i. no. 994. 

* Vol. xi. Zurita is also given in Spanish in the Coleccion de documentos ineditos^ vol. ii. (1865), but less 
perfectly than in Ternaux. The document was written about 1560. 

fi Vols, viii., xii., xiii. 

« Field, Indian Bibliography^ nos. 1 540-1 541. 7 Ibid., no. 767. 

8 Ibid., no. 766 ; Sabin, vol. ix. p. 168. Ct Brinton, Aboriginal American Authors, p. 15. 

• Prescott, Mexico, vol. i. pp. 163, 174, 206, 207 ; vol. iii. p. 105 ; and H. H. Bancroft, Mexico,\o\. i. pp. 
339, 697 ; vol. ii. p. 24 ; Kingsborough, vol. ix. 

W Brinton, Aboriginal American Literature, p. 24. 

11 Icazbalceta, in his Apuntcs para un Catdlogo de Escritores en lenguas indigenas de America (Mexico 
1866), gives a summary of the native literature preserved to us. Cf. Brin ton's Aboriginal American Authors, 
n, 14, etc., on natives who acquired reputation as writers of Spanish. 

VOL. II. — 53. 



4i8 



NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 



de Bourboorg, in the introduction to his Xations finishing it in 1585. He had cc^ected mocfa 

rA'/Z/i^ji/w il//jr^fjv^ (Paris, 1 857-1859 j, enumer- material. Temaux* printed a French tiansla- 

ates the manuscript sources to which he had tion of a mutilated text ; but it has never been 

access,^ largely pertaining to the period anterior printed in the condition, fragmentary though it 

to the Spaniards, but also in part covering the be, in which it was recovered by BotnrinL Pres- 

history o£ the Conquest, which in his fourth vol- cott says the original manuscript was long 

nme ^ be narrates mainly from the native point preserved in a convent in Mexico, where Tor- 

of view, while he illustrates the Indian life under quemada used it It was later taken to Spain, 

its contact with the Spanish rule. when it found its way into the Muiioz Collection 

Brasseur was fortunate in having access to in the Academy of History at Madrid, whence 

the Aubin Collection of manuscripts,' which had Prescott got his copy. This last historian 

originally been formed between 1736 and 1745 speaks of the work as supplying much curious 

by the Chevalier Lorenzo Boturini Benaduci ; and authentic information respecting the social 

and that collector in 1746 gave a catalogue of and religious condition of the Aztecs. Camargo 

them at the end of his Idea de una nurva historia tells fully the story of the Conquest, but he deals 

f^emral d€ la Anurua septentrional y published at out his applause and sympathy to the conquerors 

Madrid in that year.* Unfortunately, the labors and the conquered with equal readiness.' 
of this devoted archaeologist incurred the jeal- Other manuscripts have not yet been edited, 

ousy of the Spanish Government, and his library Chimalpain's Cronica Mexicana^ in the Nahuatl 

was more or less scattered ; but to him we owe tongue, which covers the interval from A. D. 

a large part of what we find in the collections of ic68 to 1597, is one of these. Another Nahuatl 

Bustamante, Kingsborough, and Temaux. Mari- manuscript in Boturini's list is an anonymous 

ano Veytia * was his executor, and had the ad- histor)' of Culhuacan and Mexico. An imper- 

vantages of Boturini 's collections in his own feet translation of this into Spanish, by Galicia, 

Historia Antigua de Mejico^ Boturini*s cata- has been made in Mexico. Brasseur copied it, 

logue, however, shows us that much has disap- and called it the Codex Chimalpopoca.^^ In 1S79 

pearcd, which we may regret. Such is the the Museo Xacional at Mexico began to print it 

Cronica of Tlaxcala, by Juan Ventura Zapata in their AnaUs (vol. ii.), adding a new version 

y Mendoza, which brought the story down to by Mendoza and Solis, under the title of Aftales 

1689, which Brinton hoi>es may yet be discov- de Cuauhtitlan}^ 

ercd in Spain.^ One important work is saved, — Bancroft's list, prefixed to his Mexico^ makes 

thai of Camargo. mention of most of these native Mexican 

Muiioz Camargo was born in Mexico just sources. Of principal use among them may be 
after the Conquest, and was connected by mar- mentioned Fernando de Alvaro Tezozomoc's 
riage with leading native families, and attained Cronica Mexicana^ or Ilistoire du Mexique^ writ- 
high official position in Tlaxcala, whose history ten in 1598, and published in 1853, in Paris, by 
he wrote, beginning its composition in 1576, and Ternaux-Corapans.^- 

J Vol. i. p. Ixxiv ; and on p. Ixxviii he gives accounts of various manuscripts, chiefly copies, owned by him- 
self. He also traces the rise of his interest in American studies, while official position in later years gave him 
unusual facilities for research. His conclusions and arguments are often questioned by careful students. Cf. 
Bandclicr, in Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc, October, 1880, p. 93. 

2 In the introduction to this volume Brasseur reviews the native writers on the Conquest. Bancroft 
{Mexico^ vol. i. p. 493, vol. ii. p. 488) thinks he hardly docs Cortes justice, and is prone to accept without dis- 
crimination the native accounts, to the discredit of those of the conquerors. Brasseur gives abundant refer- 
ences ; and since the publication of the Pinart-Brassctir Catalogue^ we have a compact enumeration of his 
own library. 

' He enumerates a few of the treasures, vol. i. p. Ixxvi. 

< The list is not found in all copies. Murphy Catalogue^ p. 300. F. S. Ellis (London, 1884) prices a 
copy at i!2 2S. 

* Born at Puebla 17 10; died 1780. 

* Published in three volumes in Mexico in 1836. Edited by C. F. Ortega. Cf. Prescott, Mexico, book i. 
chap. i. Veytia also edited from Boturini's collection, and published with notes at Mexico in 1S26, Tezciuo 
en los ultimos t tempos de sus antiguos rcyes {Murphy Catalogue, no. 428). 

^ Aborif^inal American Authors, p. 26, where are notices of other manuscripts on Tlaxcalan history. 

* Cf. Nouvelles Annates des Voyages (1845), vol. ii. p. 129, etc. 

* Prescott, Mexico, vol. ii. p. 286; Bancroft, Mexico, vol. i. p. 200. 
1® Pinart-Brasseur Catalogue, no. 237. 

11 Brinton's Aboriginal American Authors, p. 26. Mr. A. F. Bandelier is said to be preparing an edition 
01 It. 

1* Cf. Nouvelles Annates des Voyages, 1 844-1849. Tcmaux's translation is much questioned. Cf. also 
Kingsborough, vol. ix., and the Biblioteca AUxicana of Vigel, with notes by Orozco y Berra. 



cort£s and his companions. 



419 



Brinton has published in the first volume of 
his library of Aboriginal American Literature 
(1882, p. 189) the chronicle of Chac-xulub-chen, 
written in the Maya in 1562, whirh throws light 
on the methods of the Spanish Conquest. 

There was a native account, by Don Gabriel 
Castafieda, of the conquest of the Chichimecs 
by the Viceroy Antonio de Mendoza in 1541; 
but Brinton ^ says all trace of it is lost since it 
was reported to be in the Convent of Ildefonso 
in Mexico. 

Perhaps the most important native contri- 
bution to the history of Guatemala is Francisco 
Ernandez Arana Xahila's Memorial de Tecpan 
Atitlan^ written in 1581 and later in the dialect 
of Cakchiquel, and bringing the history of a 
distinguished branch of the Cakchiquels down 
to 1562, from which point it is continued by 
Francisco Gebuta Queh. Brasseur de Bour- 
bourg loosely rendered it, and from this para- 
phrase a Spanish version has been printed in 
Guatemala ; but the original has never been 
printed. Brinton (in his Aboriginal American 
Authors^ p. 32) says he has a copy; and another 



is in Europe. It is of great importance as giving 
the native accounts of the conquest of Guate- 
mala.^ An ardent advocacy of the natives was 
also shown in the Historia de las Indias de Nueva 
Espaha of the Padre Diego Duran, which was 
edited by Ramirez, so far as the first volume goes, 
in 1867, when it was published in Mexico with 
an atlas of plates after the manuscript ; but this 
publication is said not to present all the draw- 
ings of the original manuscript. The overthrow 
of Maximilian prevented the completion of the 
publication. The incoming Republican govern- 
ment seized what had been printed, so that the 
fruit of Ramirez's labor is now scarce. Quaritch 
priced the editor's own copy at £,% loj. The 
editor had polished the style of the original some- 
what, and made other changes, which excited 
some disgust in the purists ; and this action on 
his part may have had something to do with the 
proceedings of the new Government. Ramirez 
claimed descent from the Aztecs, and this may 
account for much of his stern judgment respect- 
ing Cortes.'^ The story in this first volume is only 
brought down to the reign of Montezuma. The 



1 Aboriginal American Authors^ p. 28. 

2 Bancroft, Central America^ vol. i. p. 686. Bandelier has given a partial list of the authorities on the 
conquest of Guatemala in the Amer, Antiq. Soc. Proc.y October, 18S0; and Bancroft {Central America^ vol. i. 
p. 703, vol. ii. p. 736) characterizes the principal sources. Helps (end of book xv. of his Spanish Conquest) 
complained of the difficulty in getting information of the Guatemala affairs ; but Bancroft makes use of all the 
varied published collections of documents on Spanish- American history, which contain so much on Guatemala ; 
and to his hands, fortunately, came also all the papers of the late E. G. Squier. A Coleccion de Documentos Anti- 
ques de Guatemala^ published in 1S57, has been mentioned elsewhere, as well as the Proceso against Alvarado, 
so rich in helpful material. The general historians must all be put under requisition in studying this theme, — 
Oviedo, Gomara, Diaz, Las Casas, Ixtlilxochitl, and Herrera, not to name others. Antonio de Remesal's is the 
oldest of the special works, and was written on the spot. His Historia de Chyapa is a Dominican's view; and 
being a partisan, he needs more or less to be confirmed. A Franciscan friar, Francisco Vasquez, published a 
Chronica de la Proi'incia del Santissimo Nombre de yesus de Guatemala in 1714, a promised second volume 
never appearing. He magnified the petty doings of his brother friars; but enough of historical interest crept 
into his book, together with citations from records no longer existing, to make it valuable. He tilts against 
Rcmesal, while he constantly uses his book; and the antagonism of the Franciscans and Dominicans misg^iides 
him sometimes, when borrowing from his rival. He lauds the conquerors, and he suffers the charges of cruelty to 
be made out but in a few cases (Bancroft, Central America^ vol. ii, pp. 142, 736). The Historia de Guatemala 
of Francisco Antonio de Fuentes y Guzman is quoted by Bancroft from a manuscript copy {Central America^ 
vol. ii. p. 736), but it has since been printed in Madrid in 1S82-1883, in two volumes, with annotations by Justo 
Zaragoza, as one of the series Bibliotcca de los Americanistes. Bancroft thinks he has many errors and that he 
is far from trustworthy, wherever his partiality for the conquerors is brought into play. The chief modern his- 
torian of Guatemala is Domingo Juarros, who was bom in that city in 1752, and died in 1820. His Compendia de 
la historia dela Ciudadde Guatemala was published there, the first volume in 1808 and the second in iSiS ; and 
both were republished in 1857. It was published in English in London in 1823, with omissions and inaccura- 
cies, — according to Bancroft. The story of the Conquest is told in the second volume. Except so far as he 
followed Fuentes, in his partiality for the conquerors, Juarros' treatment of his subject is fair; and his indus- 
try and facilities make him learned in its details. Bancroft {Central America, \o\. ii. pp. 142, 737) remarks 
on his omission to mention the letters of Alvarado, and doubts, accordingly, if Juarros could have known 
of them. 

Of the despatches which Alvarado sent to Cortfe, we know only two. Bandelier {American Antiquarian 
Society^ s Proceedings, October, 1880) says that Squier had copies of them all ; but Bancroft {Central America , 
vol. i. p. 666), who says he has all of Squier's papers, makes no mention of any beyond the two, — of April 11 
and July 28, 1524, — which are in print in connection with Cortes' fourth letter, in Ramusio's version, except 
such as are of late date (1534-1541), of which he has copies, as his list shows (Cf. also Temaux, vol. x., and 
Barcia, vol. i. p. 157). Temaux is said to have translated from Ramusio. Oviedo uses them largely, word for 
word. Herrera is supposed to have used a manuscript History of the Conquest of Guatemala by Gonzalo de 
Alvarado. 

• Prescott, Mexico^ vol. ii. p 165. 




420 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 

manuscript is preserved in the royal library at in 1600,^ having published in his books on the 

Madrid.^ Duran was a half-breed, his mother New World the most popular and perhaps 

being of Tezcuco. He became a Dominican ; most satisfactory account of it up to that time ; 

but a slender constitution kept him from the mis- while his theological works give evidence, as 

sionary field, and he passed a monastic life of Markham says, of great learning, 

literary labors. He had finished in 1579 the Acosta's first publication appeared at Sala- 

later parts of his work treating of the Mexican manca in 1588 and 15S9, and was in effect two 

divinities, calendars, and festivals ; and then, . essays, though they are usually found under one 

reverting to the portions which came first in the cover (they had separate titles, but were continu- 

manuscript, he tells the story of Mexican history ously paged), De natura Novi Orbis libriduOy etde 

rather clumsily, but with a certain native force promtUgatione evangelii apud barbaros^ . . . libri 

and insight, down to the period of the Honduras sex. In the former he describes the physical 

expedition. The manuscript of Duran passed, features of the country, and in the latter he told 

after his death in 1 588, to Juan Tovar, and from the story of the conversion of the Indians.' 

him, perhaps with the representations that Tovar Acosta now translated the two books of the 

(or Tobar) was its author, to Jos^ de Acosta, De natura into Spanish, and added five other 

who represents Tovar as the author, and who books. The work was thus made to form a 

had then prepared, while in Peru, his De Natura general cosmographical treatise, with particular 

Novi Orbis, reference to the New World ; and included an 

account of the religion and government of the 
E. The Earlier Historians. — Jos^ de Indians of Peru and Mexico. He also gave 
'Acosta was born about 1540 in Spain; but at a brief recital of the Conquest. In this extended 
iourteen he joined the Jesuits. He grew learned, form, and under the title of Historia natvral 
and in 1571 he went to Peru, in which country he y moral de las Indias^ en qve se tratan las cosas 
•spent fifteen years, becoming the provincial of his notables del cielo, y elementos, metaleSy plantas. 
Order. He tarried two other years in Mexico — y animales dellas ; y los ritos^y ceremonials^ l^fs^ 
where he saw Tovar — and in the islands. He y gouierno, y guerras de los Indios^ it was pub- 
then returned to Spain laden with manuscripts lished at Seville in 1590.^ 
and information, became a royal favorite, held Two other accounts of this period deserve 
other offices, and died as rector of Salamanca notice. One is by Joan Suarez de Peralta, who 

1 A copy is in the Force Collection, Library of. Congress, and another in Mr. Bancroft's, from whose 
Mexico^ vol. i. p. 461, we gather some of these statements. 

3 Cf. Backer, Bibliothique des icrtvains de la Compa^ie de Jesus; Markham's introduction to his 
•dition of Acosta in the Hakluyt Society's publications. 

« The original edition of the De natura b scarce. Rich priced it at £1 u. fifty years ago ; Leclerc, 
no. 2,639, at 150 francs (cf. also Carter-Brown, L 379; Sabin, i. iii, — for a full account of successive 
editions; Sunderland, i. 23). It was reprinted at Salamanca in 1595. and at Cologne in 1596. The 
latter edition can usually be bought for J3 or ^. Cf. Field, no. 9 ; Stevens, Biblioiheca Historica^ no. 9 ; 
Murphy, no. 11, etc. 

* Rich priced it in 1832 at £1 xor. ; ordinary copies are now worth about £2 or £3, but fine copies 
in superior binding have reached £12 \2s, (Cf. Leclerc, no. 5 — 200 francs; Sunderland, i. 24; J. A. Allen, 
Bibliography of Cetacea^ p. 24, — where this and other early books on America are recorded with the utmost 
care.) Other Spanish editions are Helmstadt, 1590 (Bartlett); Seville, 1591 (Brunet, Backer) ; Barcelona, 
1 591 (Carter-Brown, i. 478; Leclerc, no. 7); Madrid, 1608 (Carter-Brown, iL 61; Leclerc, no. 8) and x6io 
(Sabin) ; Lyons, 1670 ; and Madrid, 1792, called the best edition, with a notice of Acosta. 

The French editions followed rapidly : Paris, by R. Regnault, 1597 (Brunet, Markham); 1598 (Leclerc, 
no. 10 — xoo francs ; Dufoss^, 125 francs, 140 francs, 160 francs); 1600 (Leclerc, no. 11; Bishop Huet's 
copy in the Bibliothilque Nationale at Paris has notes which are printed by Camus in his book on De Bry) ; 
1606 (Leclerc, nos. 12,13); 1616 (Carter-Brown, ii. 177; Leclerc, no. 2,639 — 50 francs); 161 7 (Leclerc, 
no. 14) ; 1619 (Sabin) ; 1621 (Rich). An Italian version, made by Gallucci, was printed at Venice in 1596 
(Leclerc, no. 15). 

There were more liberties taken with it in German. It was called Geographische und historische Beschrei- 
bung der America, vrhen printed at Cologne in 1598, with thirty maps, as detailed in the Carter-Broton 
Catalogue, i. 520. Antonio {Biblioteca Hispana Nova) gives the date 1599. At Cologne again in 1600 
it is called New Welt (Carter-Brown, i. 548), and at Wesel, in 1605, America oder West India, which is 
partly the same as the preceding (Carter-Brown, ii. 31). Antonio gives an edition in 1617. 

The Dutch translation, following the 1591 Seville edition, was made by Linschoten, and printed at Haarlem 
in 1598 (Leclerc, no. 16); and again, with woodcuts, in 1624 (Carter-Brown, ii. 287; Murphy, no. 9). It is 
also in Vander Aa's collection, 1727. It was from the Dutch version that it was turned (by Gothard Arthus 
for De Bry in his Great Voyages, part ix.) into German, in 1601 ; and into Latin, in 1602 and 1603. 

The first English translation did not appear till 1604, at London, as The natur all and morall historic of 
the East und West Indies. Intrcating of the remarkable things of Heaven, of the Elements, Mettalls^ Plants, 



M 



CORTfiS AND HIS COMPANIONS. 



421 



was born in Mexico in 1 536, and wrote a Tratado 
del eUscitbrimUnto de las Yndias y su conquista^ 
which is preserved in manuscript in the library 
at Toledo in Spain. It is not full, however, on 
the Conquest ; but is more definite for the period 
from 1565 to 1589. It was printed at Madrid 
in 1878, in the Noticias histAricas de la A^ueva 
Espana publieadas con la protection del ministerio 
de fomento por Don Justo Zaragoza. The other 
is Henrico Martinez* Repertorio de los Tiempos 
y historia natural de la Nueva Espafia^ published 
at Mexico in 1606. It covers the Mexican 
annals from 1520 to 1590.^ 

One of the earliest to depend largely on the 
native chroniclers was Juan de Torquemada, in 
his Monarquia Indiana. This author was born 
in Spain, but came young to Mexico ; and was 
a priest of the Franciscan habit, who finally 
became (1614-1617) the provincial of that Order. 
He had assiduously labored to collect all that 



he could find regarding the history of the people 
among whom he was thrown ; and his efforts 
were increased when, in 1609, he received 
orders to prepare his labors for publication. 
His book is esteemed for the help it affords 
in understanding these people. Temaux calls 
it the most complete narrative which we possess 
of the ancient history of Mexico. He took the 
history, as the native writers had instructed him, 
of the period before the Conquest, and derived 
from them and his own observation much re* 
specting the kind of life which the conquerors 
found prevailing in the country. In his account 
of the Conquest, which constitutes the fourth 
book in vol. i., Torquemada seems to depend 
largely on Herrera, though he does not neglect 
Sahagun and the native writers. Clavigero 
tells us that Torquemada for fifty years had 
known the language of the natives, and spent 
twenty years or more in arranging his history. 



and Beasts which are proper to that Country; Together with the Manners^ Ceremonies^ LaweSy Governements^ 
and Warres of the Indians. Written in Spanish by Joseph Acosta^ and translated into English by 
E[dward] G[rimston]. Rich priced it fifty years ago at £1 16s. ; it is usually priced now at from four to eight 
guineas (cf. Carter-Brown, ii. 21 ; Field, no. 8 ; Menzies, no. 4 ; Murphy, no. 8). It was reprinted, with 
corrections of the version, and edited by C. R. Markham for the Hakluyt Society in 1880. 

1 This is extremely rare. Quaritch, who said in 1879 ^^^ ^^^Y three copies had turned up in London 
in thirty years, prices an imperfect copy at £5. {Catalogue^ no. 326 sub. no. 17,635.) 

It is worth while to note how events in the Ne¥^ World, during the early part of the sixteenth century, 
were considered in their relation to European history. Cf. for instance, Ulloa's Vita delP imperator Carlo V. 
(Rome, 1562), and such chronicles as the Anales de Aragon^ first and second parts. Harrisse {Bibl, Amer. 
Vet. and Additions)^ and the Carter^Brown Catalogue (vol. i.) will lead the student to this examination, in 
their enumeration of books only incidentally connected with America. To take but a few as representative : 

Maffeius, Commentariorum urbanorum libri, Basle, 1530, with its chapter on"loca nuper reperta.*' 
{Hzmsstf Additions^ no. g^'f edition of 1^44, Bibl. Amer. Vet.no. 257, and Additions, no. 146. Fabricius 
dtes an edition as early as 1526.) 

Laurentius Frisius, Der Cartha Marina, Strasburg, 1530. (Harrisse, Bibl. Amer. Vet., no. 151, 
Additions, no. 90.) 

Gemma Phrysius, De Principiis Astronomite et Cosmographies , with its cap. xxix., " De insulis nuper 
inventis." (Harrisse, Bibl. Amer. Vet., Additions, no. 92.) There are later editions in 1 544 (Bibl. Amer. Vet,, 
no. 252), 1548; also Paris, in French, 1557, etc. 

Sebastian Franck, Weltbuch, TUbingen, 1 533-1 334» in which popular book of its day a separate chapter 
is given to America. The book in this first edition is rare, and is sometimes dated 1533, and again 1534. 
(Cf. Harrisse, Bibl. Amer. Vet., nos. 174, 197 ; Sabin, vi. 570; Carter-Brown, i. iii ; Muller, 1877, no. 1,151 ; 
H. H. Bancroft, Mexico, i. 250.) There was another edition in 1542 {Bibl. Amer. Vet., no. 238; Stevens, 
Bbliotheca Historica, no. 738), and later in Dutch and German, in 1558, 1567, 1595, etc. (Lederc, nos. 212, 
217, etc). 

George Rithaymer, De orbis terrarum, Nuremberg, 1538, with its "De terns et insulis nuper repertis" 
{Bibl. Amer. Vet., Additions, no. 119). 

Achilles P. Gassarum, Historiarum et chronicarum mundi epitomes libellus, Venice, 1538, with its 
" insulae in oceano antiquioribus ignotz." 

Ocampo, Chronica general de Espana, 1543, who, in mentioning the discovery of the New World, forgets 
to name Columbus {Bibl. Amer. Vet., no. 242 ; Sabin, vol. xiii.). 

Guillaume Postel, De orbis terrtt concordia, Basle, about 1544 {Bibl. Amer. Vet., Additions, no. 145). 

John Dryander, Cosmographiee introductio, 1544 {Bibl. Amer. Vet., Additions, no. 147). 

Biondo, Deventis et navigatione, Venice, 1546, with cap. xxv. on the New World {Bibl. Amer. Vet., 
no. 274). 

Professor J. R. Seeley, in his Expansion of England (p. 78), has pointed out how events in the New 
World did not begin to react upon European politics, till the attacks of Drake and the English upon the 
Spanish West Indies instigated the Spanish Armada, and made territorial aggrandizement in the New World as 
much a force in the conduct of politics in Europe as the Reformation had been. The power of the great 
religious revolution gradually declined before the increasing commercial interests arising out of trade with the 
New Worid. 



422 



NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 



He also tells us of the use which Torquemada 
made of the manuscripts which he found in the 
colleges of Mexico, of the writings of Ixtlilxochitl, 
Camargo, and of the history of Cholula by anoth- 
er writer of native origin, Juan Batista Pomar. 
Another book of considerable use to him was the 
work of a warm eulogist of the natives, if not 
himself of their blood ; and this was the Historia 
EcUsidstica Indiana^ a work written by Ger6nimo 
de Mendieta near the end of the sixteenth 
century. Mendieta was in Mexico from 1554 
to 1 57 1,* and his work, finished in 1596, after 
having remained for two hundred years in 
manuscript, was printed and annotated t^ 
Icazbalceta at Mexico, in 1870.2 

The Monarquiii Indiana^ in which these and 
other writers were so freely employed as to be 
engrafted in parts almost bodily, was first 
printed in three volumes at Madrid in 161 5; 
but before this the Inquisition had struck out 
from its pages some curious chapters, particu- 
larly, says Rich, one comparing the migration 
of the Toltecs to that of the Israelites. The 
colophon of this edition shows the date of 16x4.' 
It is said that most of it was lost in a shipwreck, 
and this accounts, doubtless, for its rarity. The 
original manuscript, however, being preserved, 
it served Barcia well in editing a reprint in 1723, 
published at Madrid, which is now considered 
the standard edition.^ Torquemada doubtless 
derived something of his skill in the native 
tongue from his master. Fray Joan Baptista, 
who had the reputation of being the most 
learned scholar of the Mexican language in his 
time.* 

The Teatro Mexicano of August in de Vetan- 
curt, published at Mexico in 1697- 1698,' is the 
next general chronicle after Torquemada. Vetan- 
court, also, was a Franciscan, born in Mexico in 
1620, and died in 1700. He had the literary 
fecundity of his class; but the most important 
of his works is the one already named ; and 
in the third part of the first volume we find his 



history of the Conquest. He seldom goes be- 
hind his predecessor, and Torquemada must 
stand sponsor for much of his recital. 

P. Modern Historians. — The well-known 
work of Sol is [Historia de la Canquista cU Mixico^' 
published at Madrid in 1684) is the conspicuous 
precursor of a long series of histories of the 
Conquest, written without personal knowledge 
of the actors in this extraordinary event. Sol is 
ended his narrative with the fall of the citv, 
the author's death preventing any further pro- 
gress, though it is said he had gathered further 
materials ; but they are not known to exist. A 
work by Ignacio Salazar y Olarte, continuing 
the narrative down to the death of Cortes, is 
called a second part, and was published at 
Cordova in 1743, under the title of Historia de 
la conquista de Mixico^ poblacion y progressos de 
la Amirica septentrional conocida por el nomhre 
de Niieva Espaha, This continuation was re- 
printed at Madrid in 1786, and in the opinion 
of Bancroft ^ abounds *' in all the faults of the 
superficial and florid composition of Solis." 

Solis, who was born at Alcala in 1610, was 
educated at Salamanca, and had acquired a 
great reputation in letters, when he attracted 
the attention of the Court, and was appointed 
historiographer of the Indies. Some time after- 
ward (1667) he entered the Church, at fifty-six; 
but to earn his salary as official chronicler, — 
which was small enough at best, — he turned, 
with a good deal of the poetic and artistic instinct 
which his previous training had developed, to 
tell the story of the Conquest, with a skill which 
no one before had employed upon the theme. 
The result was a work which, " to an extraordi- 
nary degree," as Ticknor • says, took on " the 
air of an historical epic, so exactly are all its 
parts and episodes modelled into a harmonious 
whole, whose catastrophe is the fall of the great 
Mexican Empire." The book was a striking 
contrast to the chronicling spirit of all prcced- 



1 Bancroft, Mexico^ iL 667. He died in 1604. 

2 Sabin, vol. xii. no. 47,812. Icazbalceta showed Torquemada*s debt to Mendieta by collations. ( Bancroft, 
Mexico, ii. 668.) No author later than Torquemada dtes it. Barcia was not able to find i^ and it was consid- 
ered as hopelessly lost. In i860 its editor was informed that the manuscript had been found among the papers 
left by D. Bartolom6 Jos6 Gallardo. Later it was purchased by D. Jos^ M. Andrade, and given to Icazbalceta, 
at whose expense it has been published {Boston Public Library Catalogue). 

• Carter-Brown, ii. 176; Sunderland, vol. v. no. 12.536. Some of the bibliographies give the date 1613, 
and the place Seville. Cf. further on Torquemada, Bancroft, Mexico, ii. 786 ; Early American ChronicUrs, 
p. 23 ; Prescott, Mexico, i. 53. 

< Carter-Brown, iii. 339; Lcclerc, no. 370; Field, no. 1,557; Court, no. 354. It is in three volumes. 
Kingsborough in his eighth volume gives some extracts from Torquemada. 

& Baptista published various devotional treatises in both Spanish and Mexican, some of which, like hi:> 
Compassionario oi 1599, are extremely rare. Cf. Leclerc, no. 2,306; Quaritch, The Ramiret Collection^ 1880 
nos. 25, 26. 

• Again in four volumes, Mexico, 1 870-1871. Cf. Bancroft, Mexico, in. 507. 
■^ Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no. 1,300. 

• Mexico, i. 187. 

' Spanish Literature, vol. iii. no. 196. 



CORTES AND HIS COMPANIONS. 




.1. 


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.!« - thiiinh thr 


-thj 


ihr -irin^f .-..n 


hjil Vrn nil 


tit. 


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hi^li'- 


. kn-.» Ihr llrri 


uirof thr tul 



422 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 

He also tells us of the use which Torquemada history of the Conquest. He seldom goes lie 
made of the manuscripts which he found in the hind his predecessor, and Torquemada must 
colleges of Mexico, of the writings of Ixtlilxochitl, stand sponsor for much of his recital. 
Camargo, and of the history of Cholula by anoth- 
er writer of native origin, Juan Batista Pomar. P. Modern Historians. — The well-known 
Another book of considerable use to him was the work of Solis {Historia de la Conquista de Mixico^ 
work of a warm eulogist of the natives, if not published at Madrid in 1684) is the conspicuous 
himself of their blood ; and this was the Historia precursor of a long series of histories of the 
Eclesidstica Indiana^ a work written by Ger6nimo Conquest, written without personal knowledge 
de Mendieta near the end of the sixteenth of the actors in this extraordinary event. Solis 
century. Mendieta was in Mexico from 1554 ended his narrative with the fall of the city, 
to 1 57 1,* and his work, finished in 1596, after the author's death preventing any further pro- 
having remained for two hundred years in gress, though it is said he had gathered further 
manuscript, was printed and annotated 1^ materials ; but they are not known to exist. A 
Icazbalceta at Mexico, in 1870.^ work by Ignacio Salazar y Olarte, continuing 

The Monarquia Indiana^ in which these and the narrative down to the death of Cortes, is 

other writers were so freely employed as to be called a second part, and was published at 

engrafted in parts almost bodily, was first Cordova in 1743, under the title of Historia de 

printed in three volumes at Madrid in 161 5; la conquista de Mixico, foblacion y progressos de 

but before this the Inquisition had struck out la AmSrica septentrional conocida por el nombre 

from its pages some curious chapters, particu- de Nueva Espaha, This continuation was re- 

larly, says Rich, one comparing the migration printed at Madrid in 1786, and in the opinion 

of the Toltecs to that of the Israelites. The of Bancroft* abounds **in all the faults of the 

colophon of this edition shows the date of 1614.' superficial and florid composition of Solis." 
It is said that most of it was lost in a shipwreck, Solis, who was born at Alcala in 1610, was 

and this accounts, doubtless, for its rarity. The educated at Salamanca, and had acquired a 

original manuscript, however, being preserved, great reputation in letters, when he attracted 

it served Barciawell in editing a reprint in 1723, the attention of the Court, and was appointed 

published at Madrid, which is now considered historiographer of the Indies. Some time after- 

the standard edition.* Torquemada doubtless ward (1667) he entered the Church, at fifty-six; 

derived something of his skill in the native but to earn his salary as official chronicler, — 

tongue from his master, Fray Joan Baptista, which was small enough at best, — he turned, 

who had the reputation of being the most with a good deal of the poetic and artistic instinct 

learned scholar of the Mexican language in his which his previous training had developed, to 

time.* tell the story of the Conquest, with a skill which 

The Teatro Alexicano of Augustin de Vetan- no one before had employed upon the theme, 

curt, published at Mexico in 1697-1698,' is the The result was a work which, "to an extraordi- 

next general chronicle after Torquemada. Vetan- nary degree," as Ticknor* says, took on "the 

court, also, was a Franciscan, bom in Mexico in air of an historical epic, so exactly are all its 

1620, and died in 1700. He had the literary parts and episodes modelled into a harmonious 

fecundity of his class ; but the most important whole, whose catastrophe is the fall of the great 

of his works is the one already named; and Mexican Empire." The book was a striking 

in the third part of the first volume we find his contrast to the chronicling spirit of all preced- 

1 Bancroft, Mexico^ iL 667. He died in 1604. 

* Sabin, vol. xii. no. 47,812. Icazbalceta showed Torquemada's debt to Mendieta by collations. (Bancroft, 
Mexico^ ii. 668.) No author later than Torquemada dtes it. Barcia was not able to find it, and it was consid- 
ered as hopelessly lost. In i860 its editor was informed that the manuscript had been found among the papers 
left by D. Bartolom6 Jos^ Gallardo. Later it was purchased by D. Jos^ M. Andrade, and given to Icazbalceta, 
at whose expense it has been published {Boston "Public Library Catalogue). 

• Carter-Brown, ii. 176; Sunderland, vol. v. no. 12,536. Some of the bibliographies give the date 161 3, 
and the place Seville. Cf. further on Torquemada, Bancroft, A/^pjc/^^;, ii. 786; Early American Chroniclers^ 
p. 23 ; Prescott, Mexico^ i. 53. 

* Carter-Brown, iii. 339; Leclerc, no. 370; Field, no. 1,557; Court, no. 354. It is in three volumes. 
Kingsborough in his eighth volume gives some extracts from Torquemada. 

s Baptista published various devotional treatises in both Spanish and Mexican, some of which, like his 
Compassionario oi 1599, are extremely rare. Cf. Leclerc, no. 2,306; Quaritch, The Ramirez Collection, 1880 
nos. 25, 26. 

• Again in four volumes, Mexico, 1870-1871. Cf. Bancroft, Mexico^ iii. 507. 
7 Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no. 1,300. 

« Mexico ^ i. 187. 

' Spanish Literature^ vol. iii. no. 196. 



cort£s and his companions. 




ing recitals. The world ; 
sale of the book was not 
author died very poor t 



r — though the 
: once, and the 
I later (1686) 



— thai the strange story had been j 
highest setting. Soils gives no notes; 
needs to know the literature of the si 



in Cumplido's Meiiun edition of Pretcc 



There are otho- 



424 



NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 



track him to his authorities. If this is done, 
however, it appears that his investigation was 
far from deep, and that with original material 
within his reach he rarely or never used it, 
but took the record at second hand. Robert^ 
son, who had to depend on him more or less, 
was aware of this, and judged him less solici- 
tous of discovering truth than of glorifying 
the splendor of deeds. This panegyrical strain 
in the book has lowered its reputation, particu- 
larly among foreign critics, who fail to share the 
enthusiasm which Solis expresses for Cortes. 
We may call his bitter denunciations of the 
natives bigotry or pious zeal ; but Ticknor 
accounts for it by saying that Solis *' refused to 
see the fierce and marvellous contest except 
from the steps of the altar where he had been 
consecrated." The religion and national pride 
of the Spaniards have not made this quality 
detract in the least from the estimation in which 
the book has long been held ; but all that they 
say of the charm and purity of its style, despite 
something of tiresomeness in its even flow, is 
shared by the most conspicuous of foreign 
critics, like Prescott and Ticknor. Rich, who 
had opportunities for knowing, bears evidence 
to the estimation in Spain of those qualities 
which have insured the fame of Solis.^ 

The story was not told again with the dignity 
of a classic, — except so far as Herrera composed 
it, — till Robertson, in his History of Amtrica, re- 
counted it. He used the printed sources with 
great fidelity; but he was denied a chance to 



examine the rich manuscript material which was 
open to Solis, and which Robertson would 
doubtless have used more abundantly. In a 
Note (xcvii.) he enumerates his chief authorities, 
and they are only the letters of Cortes and the 
story as told by Gomara, Bemal Diaz, Peter 
Martyr, Solis, and Herrera.^ Of Solis, Robert- 
son says he knows no author in any language 
whose literary fame has risen so far beyond his 
real merits. He calls him ''destitute of that 
patient industry ia research which conducts to 
the knowledge of truth, and a stranger to that 
impartiality which weighs evidence with cool 
attention. . . . Though he sometimes quotes 
the despatches of Cortes, he seems not to have 
consulted them; and though he sets out with 
some censure on Gomara, he frequently prefers 
his authority — the most doubtful of any — to that 
of the other contemporary historians." Robert- 
son judged that Herrera furnished the fullest 
and most accurate information, and that if his 
work had not in its chronological order been so 
perplexed, disconnected, and obscure, Herrera 
might justly have been ranked among the most 
eminent historians of his country. William 
Smyth, in the twenty-first section of his Lectures 
on Modern History^ in an account which is there 
given of the main sources of information re- 
specting the Conquest, as they were accessible 
forty or fifty years ago, awards high praise — 
certainly not undeserved for his time — to 
Robertson. Southey accused Robertson of un- 
duly depreciating the character and civilization 



1 Cf., for accounts and estimates, Ticknor, Spanish Literature, vol. iii. no. 196 ; Prescott, Mexico, vol. iii. 
p. 208 ; Bancroft, Mexico, vol. i. pp. 186, 697 ; Early Chroniclers, p. 22. Editions of Solis became, in time, 
numerous in various languages. Most of them may be found noted in the following list : — 

/n Spanish. Barcelona, 1691, accompanied by a Life of Solis, by Don Juan de Goyeneche, Madrid, 1704, 
a good edition; Brussels, 1704, with numerous plates; Madrid, 1732, two columns, without plates; Brussels, 
1741, with Goyeneche's Life; Madrid, 1748, said to have been corrected by the author's manuscript ; Barcelona, 
1756; Madrid, 1758; Madrid, 1763; Barcelona, 1771 ; Madrid, 1776; Madrid, 1780; Madrid, 1 783-1 784, — 
a beautiful edition, called by Stirling "the triumph of the press of Sancha " (cf. Ticknor Catalogue, p. 335 ; 
Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no. 1,300); Barcelona, 1789; Madrid, 1791,1798,1819,1822; Paris, 1827; Madrid, 
1828, 1829, 1838 ; Barcelona, 1840 ; Paris, 1858, with notes. Sabin (vol. iv. nos. 16,944-16,945) gives abridged 
editions, — Barcelona, 1846, and Mexico, 1853. An edition, London, 1809, is "Corregida por Augustin Luis 
Josse." and is included in the Biblioteca de autores espanoles, in 1853. 

In French. The cariiest translation was made by Bon Andr^ de Citri et de la Guette, and appeared with 
two different imprints in Paris in 1691 in quarto (Carter-Brown, vol. ii. 1427-1428). Other editions followed, — 
La Haye, 1692, in i2mo; Paris, 1704, with folding map and engravings reduced from the Spanish editions ; 
Paris, 1 714, with plates ; Paris, 1730, 1759. »7"4f ^777^ 1844, etc. ; and a new version by Philippe de Toulza. 
with annotations, published in Paris in 1868. 

In Italian. The early version was published at Florence in 1699, with portraits of Solis, Cortes, and 
Montezuma (Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no. 1,577). An edition at Venice in 1704 is without plates; but another, in 
1715, is embellished. There was another at Venice in 1733. 

In Danish, Copenhagen, 1747 (Carter-Brown, vol. iii. no. 859). 

In English. Thomas Townsend's English version was published in London in 1 724, and was reissued, 
revised by R. Hooke in 1753, both having a portrait of Cort^, by Vertue, copied "after a head by Titian," 
with other folding plates based on those of the Spanish editions {Carter-Brov^ii, vol. iii. nos. 350, 588 ; Field, 
Indian Bibliography, nos. 1,464, 1,465). There were later editions in 1753. 

It was when he was twenty-eight years old, that Prescott took his first lesson in Spanish history in 
reading Solis, at Ticknor's recommendation. 

2 The story as the English had had it up to this time — except so far as they learned it in translations of 
Solis — may be found in Burke's European Settlements in America, 1765, part i. pp. 1-166. 



CORTES AND HIS COMPANIONS. 



425 



of the Mexicans ; and others have held the opinion 
that he had a tendency to palliate the crimes 
of the invaders. Robertson, in his later edi- 
tions, replied to such strictures, and held 
that Clavigero and others had differed from 
him chiefly in confiding in the improbable nar- 
ratives and fanciful conjectures of Torquemada 
and Boturini. 

Francisco Saverio Clavigero was a Jesuit, who 
had long resided in Mexico, being born at Vera 
Cruz in 173 1 ; but when expelled with his Order, 
he took up his abode in Italy in 1767. • He had 
the facilities and the occasion for going more 
into detail than Robertson. His Staria antica 
del Messico cavata da* tnigliori star id spagnuoli^ e 
da* manoscritti; e dalle pitture antiche degVIndiani : 
divisa in died libri, e corredata di carte geo- 
grafichey e di varie figure: e dissertazioni sulla 
terra, sugli animaliy e sugli abitatori del Messico^ 
was published in four volumes at Cesena in 
1 780-1 781. He gives the names of thirty-nine 
Indian and Spanish writers who had written 
upon the theme, and has something to say of 
the Mexican historical paintings which he had 
examined. H. H. Bancroft esteems him a lead, 
ing authority,^ and says he rearranged the mate- 
rial in a masterly manner, and invested it with 
a philosophic spirit, altogether superior to any- 
thing presented till Prescott's time.' It is in 
his third volume that Clavigero particularly 
treats of the Conquest, having been employed 
on the earlier chronicles and the manners and 
customs of the people in the first and second, 
while the fourth volume is made up of particu- 
lar dissertations. Clavigero was not without 
learning. He had passed three years at the 
Jesuit College at Tepozotlan, and had taught 
as a master in various branches. At Bologna, 
where he latterly lived, he founded an acade- 
my; and here he died in 1787, leaving be- 
hind him a Storia delta California, published 
at Venice in 1789.* 



Fifteen years ago it was the opinion of 
Henry Stevens,* that all other books which have 
been elaborated since on the same subject, in- 
stead of superseding Clavigero's, have tended 
rather to magnify its importance.' 

The most conspicuous treatment of the sub- 
ject, in the minds of the elders of the present 
generation, is doubtless that of Prescott, who 
published his Conquest of Mexico in 1843, divid- 
ing it into three distinct parts, — the first show- 
ing a survey of the Aztec civilization ; the second 
depicting the Conquest; while the final period 
brought down the life of Cortes to his death. 
Charton ^ speaks of Solis as a work " auquel 
le livre de Prescott a port^ un dernier coup." 
Prescott was at great expense and care in 
amassing much manuscript material never be- 
fore used, chiefly in copies, which Rich and 
others had procured for him, and he is some- 
what minute in his citations from them. They 
have since been in large part printed, and 
doubtless very much more is at present acces- 
sible in type to the student than was in Pres- 
cott's day.8 

Prescott was of good New England stock, 
settled in Essex County, Massachusetts, where 
(in Salem) he was born in 1796. His father 
removed to Boston in 1808, and became a judge 
of one of the courts. A mischance at Harvard, 
in a student's frolic, deprived young Prescott of 
the use of one eye ; and the other became in time 
permanently affected. Thus he subsequently 
labored at his historical studies under great 
disadvantage,^ and only under favorable cir- 
cumstances and for short periods could he read 
for himself. In this way he became dependent 
upon the assistance of secretaries, though he 
generally wrote his early drafts by the aid of a 
noctograph. From 1826 to 1837 he was engaged 
on his Ferdinand and Isabella, and this naturally 
led him to the study of his Mexican and Peru- 
vian themes ; and Irving, who had embarked on 



1 Sabin, vol. iv. no. 13,518. It was written in Spanish, but translated into Italian for publication. A 
Spanish version, Historia Antigua de Mcgico, made by Joaquin de Mora, was printed in London in 1826, and 
reprinted in Mexico in 1844 (Leclerc, nos. 1,103, *>'04, 2,712). A German translation, Geschichte x*on Mexico, 
was issued at Leipsic in 1 789-1 790, with notes. This version is not made from the original Italian, but from 
an Ehglish translation printed in London in 1 787 as The History of Mexico, translated by Charles Cullen. 
It was reprinted in London in 1807, smd in Philadelphia in 1817 (Field, Indian Bibliography, p. 326). 

2 Early American Chronicles, p. 24. 

' Bancroft, Mexico, i. 697 ; also Prescott, Mexico, i. 53. 

* Bancroft, Mexico, i. 700 ; Leclerc, no. 846. 

* Bibliotheca Historica, no. 377. 

• There is a portrait of Clavigero in Cumplido*s edition of Prescott's Mexico (1846), vol. iii. 
" Voyageurs, iii. 422. 

8 Mr. H. H. Bancroft {Mexico, vol. i, p. 7, note), however, charges his predecessor with parading his 
acquisition of this then unprinted material, and with neglecting the more trustworthy and more accessible 
throniclers. He also speaks {Mexico, i. 701) of an amiable weakness in Prescott which sacrificed truth to 
effect, and to a style which he calls "magnificent," and to a "philosophic flow of thought," — the latter trait 
in Prescott being one of his weakest ; nor is his style what rhetoricians would call "magnificent." 

• Mr. R. k. Wilson makes more of it than is warranted, in affirmirg that " Prescott's inability to make a 
personal research " deprives us of the advantage o( his integrity and personal character {New Conquest oj 
Mexico^ p. 312). 

VOL. II — 54. 



426 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 




WILLIAM H. 

(hem as a literary field, generously abandoned ConqutsI aj MrxUs appeared in 1S43,' and has 
his pursuit to the new and rising historian.^ The long remained a charming book, as fruitful in 

' This cut follows an engraving in meiiotint in the Edciiic Magazine ( i8;S), and shows him using his 
noctograph. The likeness was thought by his wife and sister (Mrs. Dexter) to be the best ever niade, as Mr. 
Arthur Dexter informs me. See other likenesses in Ticknor's Lift of Prtiialt; Malt. Hiil. Sac. Prot, 
[v. i6; ; and .V. E. Hist, and Gtntal. Rtg. (1S6S), p. ja6. 

' It was soon afterward reprinted in I^ndon and In Paris. 



CORTfiS AND HIS COMPANIONS. 



427 



authority as the material then accessible could 
make it. 

In the Preface to his Mexico Mr. Prescott 
tells of his success in getting unpublished mate- 
rial, showing how a more courteous indulgence 
was shown to him than Robertson had enjoyed. 
By favor of the Academy of History in Ma- 
drid he got many copies of the manuscripts 
of MuHoz and of Vargas y Pon9e, and he en- 
joyed the kind offices of Navarrete in gathering 
this material. He mentions that, touching the 
kindred themes of Mexico and Peru, he thus ob- 
tained the bulk of eight thousand folio pages. 
From Mexico itself he gathered other appli- 
ances, and these largely through the care of 
Alaman, the minister of foreign affairs, and of 
Calderon de la Barca, the minister to Mexico 
from Spain. He also acknowledges the cour- 
tesy of the descendants of Cortes in opening 
their family archives ; that of Sir Thomas 
Phillipps, whose manuscript stores have be- 
come so famous, and the kindness of Ternaux- 
Compans. 

To Mr. John Foster Kirk, who had been 
Prescott's secretary, the preparation of new 
editions of Prescott*s works was intrusted, and 
in this series the Mexico was republished in 
1874- Kirk was enabled, as Prescott himself 
had been in preparing for it, to make use of 
the notes which Ramirez had added to the 
Spanish translation by Joaquin Navarro, pub- 
lished in Mexico in 1844, and of those of Lucas 
Alaman, attached to another version, published 
also in Mexico.^ 



Almost coincident with the death of Prescott, 
was published by a chance Mr. Robert Anderson 
Wilson's New History of the Conquest of Mexico ?• 
Its views were not unexpected, and indeed 
Prescott had been in correspondence ' with the 
author. His book was rather an extravagant 
argmnent than a history, and was aimed to 
prove the utter untrustworthiness of the ordi- 
nary chroniclers of the Conquest, charging the 
conquerors with exaggerating and even creating 
the fabric of the Aztec civilization, to enhance 
the effect which the overthrow of so much 
splendor would have in Europe. To this end 
he pushes Cortes aside as engrafting fable on 
truth for such a purpose, dismisses rather 
wildly Bemal Diaz as a myth, and declares the 
picture-writings to be Spanish fabrications. 
This view was not new, except in its excess 
of zeal. Albert Gallatin had held a similar 
belief.* Lewis Cass had already seriously 
questioned, in the North American Review ^ 
October, 1840, the consistency of the Spanish 
historians. A previous work by Mr. Wilson 
had already, indeed, announced his views, though 
less emphatically. This book had appeared in 
three successive editions, — as Mexico and its 
Religion (New York, 1855) ; then as Mexico, its 
Peasants and its Priests (1856) ; and finally as 
Mexico, Central America, and California. 

It was easy to accuse Wilson of ignorance 
and want of candor, — for he had laid himself 
open too clearly to this charge, — and Mr. 
Prescott's friend, Mr. George Ticknor, arraigned 
him in the Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc., April, 1859.* 



1 Cf. the collation of criticisms on the Mexico, given by Allibone in his Dictiondry of Authors^ and by Poole 
in his Index to Periodical Literature. Archbishop Spalding, in his hfiscellanea, chapters xiii. and xiv., gives the 
Catholic view of his labors; and Ticknor, in his Life of Prescott, prints various letters from Hallam, Sismondi, 
and others, giving their prompt expressions regarding the book. In chapters xiii., xiv., and xv. of this book 
the reader may trace Prescott through the progress of the work, not so satisfactorily as one might wish how- 
ever, for in his diaries and letters the historian failed often to give the engaging qualities of his own character. 
It is said that Carlyle, when applied to for letters of Prescott which might be used by Ticknor in his Life of 
the historian, somewhat rudely replied that he had never received any from Prescott worth preserving. Pres- 
cott's library is, unfortunately, scattered. He gave some part of it to Harvard College, including such manu- 
scripts as he had used in his Ferdinand and Isabella ; and some years after his death a large part of it was 
sold at public auction. It was then found that, with a freedom which caused some observation, the marks of his 
ownership had been removed from his books. Many of his manuscripts and his noctograph were then sold, 
perhaps through inadvertence, for the family subsequently reclaimed what they could. The noctograph and 
some of the manuscripts are now in the cabinet of the Massachusetts Historical Societ)' (cf. Proceedings, vol. 
xiii. p. 66), and other manuscripts are in the Boston Public Library {Bulletin of Boston Public Library, iv. 122). 
A long letter to Dr. George E. Ellis, written in 1857, and describing his use of the noctograph, is in the same 
volume {Proceedings, vol. xiii. p. 246). The estimate in which Prescott was held by his associates of that 
Society may be seen in the records of the meeting at which his death was commemorated, in 1859 {Proceedings, 
iv. 167, 266). There is a eulogy of Prescott by George Bancroft in the Historical Magazine, iii. 69. Cf. 
rdFerences in Poole's Index, p. 1047. 

3 Philadelphia and London, 1859. 

' This correspondence was dvil, to say the least. Bancroft {Mexico, i. 205), with a rudeness of his own, 
calls Wilson " a fool and a knave." 

* American Ethnological Society Transactions, vol. i. 

* Also in Boston Daily Courier, May 3, 1859. Cf. Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc. v. loi ; Atlantic Monthly, 
April and May, 1859, by John Foster Kirk; Allibone's Dictionary, \o\. ii. p. 1669. L. A. Wilmer, in his 
Life of De Soto (1859) is another who accuses Prescott of accepting exaggerated statements. Cf. J. D. Washburn 
Ml the failure of Wilson's arguments to convince, in Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc., October 21, 1879, p. 18. 



428 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 

He reminded Wilson that he ought to have from all the others which we are passing in 
known that Don Enrique de Vedia, who had review. " To bring before the reader, not con- 
published an edition of Bemal Diaz in 1853, had quest only, but the results of conquest; the 
cited Fuentes y Guzman, whose manuscript mode of colonial government which ultimately 
history of Guatemala was before that editor, as prevailed; the extirpation of native races, the 
referring in it to the manuscript of Bemal Diaz introduction of other races, the growth of sla- 
(his great-grandfather), which was then in exist- verj', and the settlement of the encomiendas on 
ence, — a verity and no myth. Further than which all Indian society depended, — has been 
this, Brasseur de Bourbourg, who chanced then the object of this history."* 
to be in Boston, bore testimony that he had seen Among the later works not in English we 
and used the autograph manuscript of Bemal need not be detained long. The two most note- 
Diaz in the archives of Guatemala. worthy in French are the Histoire des nations 

In regard to the credibility of the accounts ch'ilisSes du Mexique of Brasseur de Bourbourg, 

which Prcscott depends upon, his editor,^ Mr. more especially mentioned on another page, 

Kirk, has not neglected to cite the language and Michel Chevalier's Mexiqtte avant et pen- 

of Mr. E. B. Tylor, in his Anahuac?' where he dant la Conquite, published at Paris in i845.« 

says, respecting his own researches on the spot, In German, Theodor Arnim's Das Alte Mexico 

that what he saw of Mexico tended generally und die eroberung Neu Spaniens durch Cortes^ 

to confirm Prescott's History, and but seldom Leipsic, 1865, is a reputable book7 In Spanish, 

to make his statements appear improbable, beside the Vida de Cortis given by Icazbalceta 

The impeachment of the authorities, which in his Coleccion^ vol. i. p. 309, there is the impor- 

Wilson attacks, is to be successful, if at all, by tant work of Liicas Alaman, the Disertaciones 

other processes than those he employs. sobre la Historia de la Repiiblica Mejicana, pub- 

Meanwhile Arthur Helps,' in tracing the lished at Mexico in three volumes in 1844-1849, 
rise of negro slavery and the founding of which is a sort of introduction to his Historia 
colonial government in Spanish America, had de AUjico, in five volumes, published in 1849- 
published his Conquerors of the New World and 1852.^ He added not a little in his appendixes 
Mrt> iff<w///jw^« (London, 1848-1852), — a some- from the archives of Simancas, and the latter 
what speculative essay, which, with enlargement book is considered the best of the histories in 
of purpose and more detail, resulted in 1855- Spanish. In 1862 Francisco Carbajal Espi- 
1861 in the publication of his Spanish Conquest nosa's Historia de Mexico, bringing the story 
in America^ reprinted in New York in 1867. down from the earliest times, was begun in 
He gives a glowing account of the Aztec civili- Mexico. Bancroft calls it pretentious, and 
zation, and, excerpting the chapters on the Con- mostly borrowed from Clavigero.^ 
quest, he added some new details of the private Returning to the English tongue, in which 
life of Cortes, and published it separately in the story of Mexico has been so signally told 
187 1 as an account of that leader, which is more than once from the time of Robertson, 
attractive as a biography, if not comprehensive we find still the amplest contribution in the 
as a history of the Conquest. " Every page History of Mexico^ a part of the extended series 
affords evidence of historic lore," says Field, of the History of the Pacific States, published 
"and almost every sentence glows with the under the superintendence of Hubert H. Ban- 
warmth of his philanthropy."* Helps has croft. Of Bancroft and these books mention is 
himself told the object and method of his book, made in another place. The Mexico partakes 
and it is a different sort of historical treatment equally of the merits and demerits attaching to 

^ Edition of 1874, ii, no. 

2 Page 147. 

8 Born about 181 7, and knighted in 1872. 
* Indian Bibliography y no. 682. 

6 Cf. H. H. Bancroft, MexUo, ii. 488. 

6 Cf. Rn'ue des deux mondesj 1845, vol. xi. p. 197. The book was later translated into English. He 
also published in 1863 and in 1864 Le Mexique ancien et moderne^ which was also given in an English transla- 
tion in London in 1864. Cf. British Quarterly Review, xl. 360. 

7 Ruge, in his Geschichte des Zeitalters der Entdeckungen, tells the story with the latest knowledge. 
P Both books command good prices, ranging from ^25 to $50 each. 

9 Mexico, i. 697 ; ii. 788, — where he speaks of N. de Zamacois' Historia de MejicOy Barcelona, 1877-1880, 
in eleven volumes, as " blundering ; " and Mora's Mejico y sus Revoluciones, Paris, 1836, in three volumes, as 
"hasty." Bancroft's concluMon regarding what Mexico itself has contributed to the history of the Conquest 
is " that no complete account of real value has been written." Andres Cavo's Tres sighs de Mixico (Mexico^ 
1836-1838, in three volumes) is but scant on the period of the Conquest (Bancroft, Mexico, iii. 508). It was 
reprinted in 1852, with notes and additions by Bustamante, and as part of the Biblioteca Nacionai y ExtranjerA» 
and again at Jalapa in i860. 



cort£s and his companions 



429 



his books and their method. It places the 
student under moi^ obligations than any of 
the histories of the Conquest which have gone 
before, though one tires of the strained and 
purely extraneous classical allusions, — which 
seem to have been affected by his staff, or by 
some one on it, during the progress of this 
particular book of the series. 

G. Yucatan. — With the subsequent subju- 
gation of Yucatan Cortes had nothing to do. 
Francisco de Montejo had been with Grijalva 
when he landed at Cozumel on the Yucatan 
coast, and with Cortes when he touched at the 
same island on his way to Mexico. After the 
fall of the Aztecs, Montejo was the envoy whom 
Cortes sent to Spain, and while there the Em- 
peror commissioned him (Nov. 17, 1526) to con- 
duct a force for the settlement of the peninsula. 
Early in 1527 Montejo left Spain with Alonso 
de Avila as second in command. For twenty 
years and more the conquest went on, with vary- 
ing success. At one time not a Spaniard was 
left in the country. No revolts of the natives 
occurred after 1 547, when the conquest may be 
considered as complete. The story is told with 
sufficient fulness in Bancroft's Mexico^ The 
main sources of our information are the narra- 
tive of Bernal Diaz, embodying the reports of 
eye-witnesses, and the histories of Oviedo and 
Herrera. Bancroft^ gives various incidental 
references. The more special authorities, how- 
ever, are the Historia de Yucathan of Diego Lopez 
Cogolludo, published at Madrid in 1688,' who 
knew how to use miracles for his reader's sake, 
and who had the opportunity of consulting most 
that had been written, and all that had been 
printed up to his time. He closes his narrative 
in 1665.* The Bishop of Yucatan, Diego de 
Landa, in his Relation des choses de Yucatan^ as 
the French translation terms it, has left us the 
only contemporary Spanish document of the 
period of the Conquest. The book is of more 
interest in respect to the Maya civilization than 
as to the progress of the Spanish domination. 
It was not printed till it was edited by Bras- 



seur de Bourbourg, with an introduction, and 
published in Paris in 1864.^ 

Landa was born in 1524, and was one of the 
first of his Order to come to Yucatan, where 
he finally became Bishop of M^rida in 1572, 
and died in 1 579. Among the books commonly 
referred to for the later period is the first 
part (the second was never published) of Juan 
de Villagutierre Sotomayor's Historia de la Con- 
quista de la provinda de el Itza^ etc., Madrid, 
1 701. It deals somewhat more with the spiri- 
tual and the military conquests, but writers find 
it important.* 

The latest English history of the peninsula 
is that by Charles St. J. Fancourt, History of Yu* 
catan, London, 1854 ;7 but a more extended, 
if less agreeable, book is Ancona's Historia de 
Yucatan desde la ipoca mas remota hasta nuestros 
diaSf published at M^rida in four volumes in 
1 878-1880. It gives references which will be 
found useful.^ 

H. Bibliography OF Mexico. — The earli- 
est special bibliography of Mexico of any moment 
is that which, under the title of Catalogo de sa mu 
seo historico Indiano^ is appended to Boturini Ben 
aduci's Idea de una nueva historia general de la 
America septentrional (Madrid, 1746), which was 
the result of eight years' investigations into the 
history of Mexico. He includes a list of books, 
maps, and manuscripts, of which the last remnants 
in 1853 were in the Museo Nacional in Mexico.^ 
Of the list of New Spain authors by Eguiara y 
Eguren, only a small part was published in 1755 
as Bibliotheca Mexicana}^ It was intended to 
cover all authors bom in New Spain ; but though 
he lived to arrange the work through the letter 
J, only A, B, and C were published. All titles 
are translated into Latin. Its incompleteness 
renders the bibliographical parts of Maneiro*s De 
Vitis Mexicanorum (1791) more necessary, and 
makes Beristain's Bibliotheca Hi spano- Americano 
Septentrional t^'^ of three volumes, published at 
Mexico in 1816, 1819, and 182 1, of more impor- 
tance than it would otherwise be. Beristain, 
also, only partly finished his work ; but a nephew 



1 Vol. ii. chaps, xxi. and xxx., p. 648. 

* Mexico^ ii. 455-456. 

• Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no. 1,350. 

< Rich, 1832, no. 422 ; Bancroft, Mexico, ii. 650. It was reprinted at M6rida in 1842, and again in 1867. 

6 Leclerc, nos. 1,172, 2,289. Amer, Antiq. Sac. Proc., October, 1880, p. 85, where will be found Bandclier's 
partial bibliography of Yucatan. 

« Cf. Field. 1605 ; Amer. Antiq. Sac, Proc, October, 1880, p. 89. The book is not so rare as it is some- 
times claimed ; Quaritch usually prices copies at from £2 to £5. 

7 Field, p. 522. 

« The Registro Yttcateco, a periodical devoted to local historical study, and published in M6rida, only lived 
for two years, 1 845-1 846. 

» Cf. Sabin, vol. ii. no. 6,834, and references. There is a copy of Boturini Benaduci in Harvard College 
Library. A portrait of him is given in Cumplido's edition of Prescott's Mexico, vol iii. 

w It is rare. Quaritch in 1880 priced Ramirez' copy at £12. It was printed, " Mexici in ^dibus Authoris." 
11 Triibner, Bibliographical Guide, p. xiii. 



d^inr -~ --■ TJFrt'-i 



430 



NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 



completed the publication. It has become rare ; 
and its merits are not great, though its notices 
number 3,687. 

Of more use to the student of the earlier his- 
tory, however, is the list which Clavigero gives 
in his Storia del Messico published in 1780. A 
Jesuit, and a collector, having a book-lover's keen 
scent, he surpassed all writers on the theme who 
had preceded him, in amassing the necessary 
stores for his special use. Since his day the field 
has been surveyed more systematically both by 
the general and special bibliographers. The stu- 
dent of early Spanish-Mexican history will of 
course not forget the help which he can get from 
general bibliographers like Brunet, from the Dic- 
tionary of Sabin, the works of Ternaux and Har- 
risse, the Carter-Brtnun Catalogue^ not to speak of 
other important library catalogues. 

The sale catalogues are not without assist- 
ance. Principal among them are the collections 
which had been formed by the Emperor Maxi- 
milian of Mexico, — which was sold in Leipsic in 



1869 as the collection of Jos^ Maria Andrade,^ -- 
and the Bibliotheca Mexichna formed by Jos^ 
Fernando Ramirez, which was sold in London 
in 1880.* 

All other special collections on Mexico have 
doubtless been surpassed by that which has 
been formed in San Francisco by Mr. Hubert 
Howe Bancroft, as a component part of his 
library pertaining to the western slope of Amer- 
ica. Lists of such titles have been prefixed to 
his histories of Central America and of Mexico^ 
and are to be supplemented by others as his 
extended work goes on. He has explained, in 
his preface to his Mexico (p. viii), the wealth of 
his manuscript stores ; and it is his custom, as it 
was Prescott's, to append to his chapters, and 
sometimes to passages of the text, considerable 
accounts, with some bibliographical detail, of the 
authorities with which he deals.' Helps, though 
referring to his authorities, makes no such ex- 
tended references to them.* 



1 It contained nearly fourteen hundred entries about Mexico, or its press. Another collection, gathered 
by a gentleman attached to Maximilian's court, was sold in Paris in 1868; and still another, partly the 
accumulation of Pbre Augustin Fischer, the confessor of Maximilian, was dispersed in London in 1869 as a 
Biblioteca Mejicana. Cf. Jackson's Bibliographies GcographiqueSy p. 223. 

2 Many of these after%vards .ippeared in B. Quaritch's Rough List^ no. 46, 1880. The principal part of a 
sale which included the libraries of Pinart and Brasseur de Bourbourg (January and February, 1884) also 
pertained to Mexico and the Spanish possessions. 

8 Cf. for instance his Native Races^ iv. 565 ; Central America^ i. 195 ; Mexico^ i. 694, ii. 487, 784 ; Early 
Chroniclers, p. 19, etc. It is understood that his habit has been to employ readers to excerpt and abstract from 
books, and make references. These slips are put in paper bags according to topic Such of these memoranda 
as are not worked into the notes of the pertinent chapter are usually massed in a concluding note. 

* The general bibliographies of American history are examined in a separate section of the present work 
and elsewhere in the present chapter something has been said of the bibliographical side of various other phases 
of the Mexican theme. Mr. A. F. Bandelier has given a partial bibliography of Yucatan and Central America, 
touching Mexico, however, only incidentally, in the Amer, Antiq. Soc, Proc., October, 1880. Harrisse, in his 
Bibl.Amcr. Vet., p. 212, has given a partial list of the poems and plays founded upon the Conquest. Others 
will be found in the Chronological List of Historical Fiction published by the Boston Public Library. Among 
the poems are Gabriel Lasso de la Vega's Cortes Valeroso^ 1588, republished as Mexicana in 1594 (Maison- 
neuve, no. 2,825 —200 francs); Saavedra Guzman's El Peregrino indiano, Madrid, 1599 (Rich, 1832, no. 86, 
£4 4s.) ; Balbuena's El Bernardo, a conglomerate heroic poem (Madrid, 1624), which gives one book to the 
Conquest by Cortes (Leclerc, no. 48 — 100 francs); Boesnier's Le Mexique Conquis, Paris, 1752; Escoi- 
quiz, Mexico Conqitistada, 1798; Roux de Rochclle, Ferdinand Cortez\ P. du Rome, La ConquBte du 
Mexique. 

Among the plays, — Dr>'den's Indian Emferor (Cortes and Montezuma); Lope de Vega's Marquez del 
Valle : Fernand de Zarate's Conquista de Mexico ; Canizares, El Phyto de Fernan Cortes ; F. del Rey, Her- 
nand Cortczen Tabasco; Piron, Cortes; Malcolm MacDonald, Guatemozin (Philadelphia, 1878), etc. 



DISCOVERIES 



ON THE 



PACIFIC COAST OF NORTH AMERICA. 



BY THE EDITOR. 



T 



HE cartographical history of the Pacific coast of North America is one of shadowy 
and unstable surmise long continued.^ The views of Columbus and his companions, 
as best shown in the La Cosa and Ruysch maps,^ precluded, for a considerable time after 
the coming of Europeans, the possibility of the very existence of such a coast ; since their 
Asiatic theory of the new-found lands maintained with more or less modification a fitful 
existence for a full century after Columbus. In many of the earliest maps the question 
was avoided by cutting off the westerly extension of the new continent by the edge of the 
sheet ; • but the confession of that belief was still made sometimes in other ways, as when, 
in the Portuguese por^o/ano^ which is placed between 1516 and 1520, Mahometan flags 
are placed on the coasts of Venezuela and Nicaragua.* 

In 1526 a rare book of the monk Franciscus, De orbis situ ac descriptione Francisci 
epistolaf contained a map which represented South America as a huge island disjoined 
from the Asiatic coast by a strait in the neighborhood of Tehuantepec, with the legend, 
"Hoc orbis hemisphxrium cedit regi Hispaniae.*'® A few years later we find two other 
maps showing this Asiatic connection, — one of which, the Orontius Finaeus globe, is well 
known, and is the earliest engraved map showing a return to the ideas of Columbus. It 
appeared in the Paris edition of the Novus Orbis of Simon Grynaeus, in 1532,' and was 
made the previous year. It is formed on a cordiform projection, and is entitled ** Nova et 
Integra universi orbis descriptio.'* It is more easily understood by a reference to Mr. 



1 Dr. Kohl's studies on the course of geo- 
graphical discovery along the Pacific coast were 
never published. He printed an abstract in the 
UmUd States Coast Survey Report ^ 1855, PP* 374» 
375. A manuscript memoir by him on the subject 
is in the library of the American Antiquarian 
Society {Proceedings^ 23 Apr. 1872, pp. 7, 26) at 
Worcester. So great advances in this field have 
since been made that it probably never will 
be printed. There is a chronological state- 
ment of explorations up the Pacific coast in 
Duflot dc Mofras' Exploration du territoire de 
rOrigon (Paris, 1844), vol. i. chap. iv. ; but H. H. 
Bancroft's Pacific States^ particularly his North- 
west Coasty vol. i., embodies the fullest infor- 
mation on this subject. In the enumeration of 
maps in the present paper, many omissions are 



made purposely, and some doubtless from want 
of knowledge. It is intended only to give a 
sufficient number to mark the varying progress 
of geographical ideas. 

2 See ante^ pp. 106, 115. 

^ Cf. maps ante^ on pp. 108, 112, 114, 127. 

♦ This map is preserved in the Royal Library 
at Munich, and is portrayed in Kunstmann's 
AtlaSy pi. iv., and in Stevens's Notes, pi. v. Cf. 
Kohl, Discovery of Maifie (for a part), no. 10; 
and Harrisse's CabotSy p. 167. 

5 Harrisse, Bibl. Amer. Vet.y no 131. 

^ A sketch of the map is given by Lelewel, 
pi. xlvi. 

' The Novus Orbis (Paris) has sometimes an- 
other map ; but Harrisse says the Finseus one is 
the proper one. Bibi. Amer. Vet., nos. 172, 173. 



432 



NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 






fikfii^tmi 



n a*CA£L!AR_5|^ 4>"' 




(•• 



.\^ 



/•• 



.^* 



o 



'e- 



44' 



R€s^rv 



SLOANE MANUSCRIPTS, 1530.^ 



Brevoort's reduction of it to Mercator's projection, as shown in another volume.^ The 
same map, with a change in the inserted type dedication, appeared in the Pomponius Mela 

of 1540,* and it is said also to be found 
much later in the Geografia of Lafreri 
published at Rome, 1554-1572. 

The other of the two maps already 
referred to belongs to a manuscript, De 
Principits Astronomie, preserved in the 
British Museum among the Sloane 
manuscripts.* It closely resembles the 
Finseus map. The authorities place it 
about 1530, or a little later. In 1533, in 
his Opusculum Geographicum^ Schoner 
maintained that the city of Mexico was 
the Quinsay of Marco Polo ; and about 
the same time Francis I., in commis- 
sioning Cartier for his explorations, calls 
the St. Lawrence valley a part of Asia. 
What is known as the Nancy Globe preserved the same idea, as will be seen by the 
sketch of it annexed, which follows an engraving published in the Compte Rendu of the 




NUi 
MISRAN 



RUSCELLI, 1544. 



^ This follows a drawing in Kohl's Wash- 
ington Collection. 

2 Vol. IIL p. II. This reduction, there made 
from Stevens's NoUs^ pi. iv., is copied on a re- 
duced scale in Bancroft's Central America^ vol. 
i. p. 149. Stevens also gives a fac-simile of the 
original, and a greatly reduced reproduction is 
given in Daly's Early Cartography. Its names, 



as Harrisse haa pointed out {Cabots, p. 182), arc 
similar to the two Weimar charts of 1527 and 
1529 The bibliography of this Paris Grynaeus 
js examined elsewhere. 

* Bibl. Amer. Vet.^ AdditiofiSy no. 127. 

* Brit. Mus. Cat. of Maps, 1844, p. 22. 

* This follows a sketch given by Dr. Kohl 
in his Discorj'ery of Afaitte, pi. xt.» which is also 



DISCOVERIES ON THE PACIFIC COAST. 



THE NANCY GLOBE. 

Congi&ades America nistes.' The same view is maintained in a manuscript map of Ruscelli, 
the Italian geographer, preserved in the British Museum- Perhaps the eariiest instance of 
a connection of America and Europe, such as Ruscelli here imagines, is the map of 
"Schondia," which Ziegler the Bavarian published in his composite work at Strasburg in 
1532," in which it will be observed he makes " Bacallaos " a pari of Greenland, preserving 
the old notion prevailing before Columbus, as shown in the maps of the latter part of 
the fifteenth ceniury, that Greenland was in fact a prolongation of northwestern Europe, 
as Ziegler indicates at the top of his map, the western half of which only is here repro- 
duced. In this feature, as in others, there is a resemblance in these maps of Ziegler and 
Ruscelli to two maps by jacopo Gasialdi, " le coryphee des g^ographes de p^niasule 

copied in Bancroft's Centra! Amrrii-,!. vol. i. ' Vol. for i8?7, p. 359. Cf. the present His- 

p. 148. Cf. Lelewcl, p. 170; Peschel, C^cAi.-*/^ torv. Vol. I. p. 114; IV, 81. 
der ErdkuHde [xi^t,), p. 371. - Sec Vol. III. p. iS. 

VOL. II- — 5S- 



434 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 




ZIEGLER'S SCHOXDU, 1532. 



italique," as Leiewel ' calls him. These maps appeared in the first Italian ediiion o( 
Ptolemy, published at Venice in 1548.* The first (no. 59), inscribed " Dell' universale 



I This is a fac-simile made from Mr. Charles 
Deane's {formerly ihe Murphy) copy. Cf. Dr. 
A. Breusing's Ltilfadtn durih das Wif^natttr ier 
KarliigraphU bis tun Jahri 1600, Frankfurt a. 
M., 1SS3, p. 11. 



^ Epilogue, x<.-i\^. 

' This edition was in small octavo, with sixty 
maps, engraved on metal, of which there are 
f^evon of interest to itudents of American car. 
lography. They are of South America (no. 54) 



DISCOVERIES ON THE PACIFIC COAST. 



435 



nuova," IS an elliptical projection of the globe, showing a union of America and Asia, 
somewhat different in character of contour from that represented in the other (no. 60), a 
** Carta Marina Universale," of which an outline sketch is annexed. This same map was 




CARTA MARINA, 1548.^ 



New Spain (no. 55), " Terra nova Bacalaos ** or 
Florida to Labrador (no. 56), Cuba (no. 57), 
and Hispaniola (no. 58). The copies in Amer- 
ica which have fallen under the Editor's observa- 
tion arc those in the Library of Congress, in the 
Astor and Carter-Brown libraries, and in the 
collections of Mr. Barlow and Mr. Kalbfleisch 
in New York, and of Prof. Jules Marcou in Cam- 
bridge. There was one in the Murphy Collec- 
tion, no. 2,067. It is worth from $15 to $25. 
Cf. on Gastaldi*s maps, Zurla's Marco Polo ii. 
368 ; the Notizie di Jiicopo Gastaldi, Torino, 1881 ; 



Castellani's Catalogo delle pih rare opere geogra- 
fiche^ Rome, 1876, and other references in Win- 
sor*s Bibliography of Ptolemy y sub anno 1 548; 
and Vol. IV. p. 40 of the present History. 

* The key is as follows : i. Norvegia. 2. 
Laponia. 3. Gronlandia. 4. Tierra del Labrador. 
5. Tierra del Bacalaos. 6. La Florida. 7. Nueva 
Hispania. 8. Mexico. 9. India Superior. 10. 
La China. 11. Ganges. 12. Samatra. 13. Java. 
14. Panama. 15. Mar del Sur. 16. El BrasU. 
17. El Peru. 18. Strecho de Femandc Magalhaes. 
19. Tierra del Fuego. This map is also repro- 



436 



NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 




VOPELLIO, 

{Reducthn o/i 



1556. 



adopted (as no. 2) by Ruscelli in the edition of Ptolemy which he published at Venice in 
1561,' though in the "Orbis descriptio" (no. i) of thai edition Ruscelli hesitates to accept 

duced in Nordenskiold's Bredema Zenos, Stock- 
holm, 1883. 



DISCOVERIES ON THE PACIFIC COAST. 




the Asiatic theory, and indicates a "liitus incognitum," as Gastaldi did in the map which 
he made for Ramusio in 1550. 

»criptio;" no. 2, "Carta Marina;" no. 3, a re- nueva," or eaalern coast of North Americaj 

production of Ihe Zeni map ; no. 4, " Schon- no. 8, Braiil ; no. 9, Cuba ; no. 10, Hispanioli. 

landia" (Greenland region, etc.) ; no. 5, South These maps were repeated in the 1561, 1564, 

Atnerica; no. 6, New Spain; no. 7, " Tierra and 1574 editions of Piolemy. The copies in 



438 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 

Wuttke 1 has pointed out two maps preserved in the Palazzo Riccardi at Florence, which 
belong to about the year 1550, and show a similar Asiatic connection.^ The map of 
Caspar Vopellius, or Vopellio (1556), also extended the California coast to the Ganges. It 
appeared in connection with Girava's Dos Libros de Cosmographia, Milan, 1556,' but when 
a new titlepage was given to the same sheets in 1570, it is doubtful if the map was 
retained, though Sabin says it should have the map.* The Italian cartographer, Paulo 
de Furlani, made a map in 1560, which according to Kohl is preserved in the British Mu- 
seum. It depicts Chinamen and elephants in the region of the Mississippi Valley. From 
KohPs sketch, preserved in his manuscript in the library of the American Antiquarian 
Society, the annexed outline is drawn. Furlani is reported to have received it from a 



^'''^'W^r-^ 




PAULO DE FURLANl'S MAP, 1560.* 



America of these editions known to the Editor 
are in the following libraries : Library of Con- 
gress, 1 561, 1562, 1574; Boston Public Library, 
1 561; Harvard College Library, 1562; Carter- 
Brown Library, 1561, 1562, 1564, 1574; Phila- 
delphia Library, 1574; Astor Library, 1574; S. 
L. M. Barlow's, 1562, 1564 ; James Carson Bre- 
voort*s, 1562; J. Hammond Trumbull's, 1561 ; 
Trinity College (Hartford), 1574; C. C. Bald- 
win's (Cleveland) 1561 ; Murphy Catalogue, 
1 561, 1562, 1574, — the last two bought by Presi- 
dent A. D. White of Cornell University. These 
editions of Ptolemy's Geograpkica are described, 
and their American maps compared with the 
works of other contemporary cartographers, in 
Winsor's Bibliog, of Ptolemy's Geography (1884). 

^ Jahresbericht des Vereins fur Erdkunde in 
Dresden, 1870, pages 62 ; plates vi., vii., ix. 

* These and other maps of the Palazzo are 
noted in Studi biografici e bibliografici della society 
geografica italiana^ Rome, 1882, ii. 169, 172. 



• Carter-Brown Catalogue^ i. 209 ; Leclerc, 
Bibliotheca Americana , no. 240; Murphy Cata^ 
iogMf no. 1,047. The map is very rare. Henry 
Stevens published a fac-simile made by Harris. 
This and a fac-simile of the title of the book 
are annexed. Cf. Orozco y Berra, Cartografia 
Mexicana^ 37. 

* Sabin, Dictionary of books relating to Amer- 
tea, vii. 27,504; Stevens, historical Collections, i. 
2,413 (books sold in London, July, 1881). The 
Harvard College copy lacks the map. Mr. Bre- 
voort's copy has the map, and that gentleman 
thinks it belongs to this edition as well as to 
the other. 

^ The key is this : i. Occano settentrionale. 
2. Canada. 3. panaman. 4. Mexico. 5. s. tomas. 
6. Nova Ispania. 7. Cipola. 8. Le sete cita. 
9. Topira. 10. tontontean. 11. Zangar. 12. TebeL 
13. Quisai. 14. Cimpaga. 15. Golfo de Tonza. 
16. Ys. de las ladrones. 17. mangi. 18. mat 
de la china. 



DISCOVERIES ON THE PACIFIC COAST. 



439 



Spanish nobleman, Don Diego Hennano, of Toledo.^ The connection with Asia is again 
adhered to in Johannes Myritius's Opusculum geographicum, where the map is dated 1587, 
though the book was published at Ingolstadt in 1590.2 Just at this time Livio Sanuto, in 
his Geografia distinta (Venice, 1588), was disputing the Asiatic theory on the ground that 
the Mexicans would not have shown surprise at horses in Cortes' time, if they had for- 
merly been inhabitants of a continent like Asia, where horses are common. Perhaps the 
latest use of the type of map shown in the *' Carta Marina" of 1548 was just a half cen- 
tury later, in 1598, in an edition of Ortelius, // Theatre del mondo^ published at Brescia. 
The belief still lingered for many years yet in some quarters ; and. Thomas Morton in 
1636 showed that in New England it was not yet decided whether the continent of America 
did not border upon the country of the Tartars.* Indeed, the last trace of the assumption 
was not blown away till Behring in. 1728 passed from the Pacific to the Arctic seas. 

Such is in brief the history of the inception and decline of the belief in the prolori^tion 
of Asia over against Spain, as Toscanelli had supposed in 1474, and as had been sus- 
pected by geographers at intervals since the time of Eratosthenes.* The beginning of the 
decline of such belief is traced to the movements of Cortes. Balboa in 15 13 by his discov- 
ery of the South Sea, later to be called the Pacific Ocean,^ had established the continental 
form of South America, whose limits southward were fixed by Magellan in 1520; but it was 
left for Cortes to begin the exploration to the north which Behring consummated. 

After the Congress of Badajos had resolved to effect a search for a passage through 
the American barrier to the South Sea, the news of such a determination was not long in 
reaching Cortes in Mexico, and we know from his fourth letter, dated Oct. 15, 1524, that it 
had already reached him, and that he had decided to take part in the quest himself by 
despatching an expedition towards the Baccalaos on the hither side ; while he strove also 
to connect with the discoveries of Magellan on the side of the South Sea.* Cortes had 
already been led in part by the reports of Balboa's discovery, and in part by the tidings 
which were constantly reaching him of a great sea in the direction of Tehuantepec, to 
establish a foothold on its coast, as the base for future maritime operations. So his ex- 
plorers had found a fit spot in Zacatula, and thither he had sent colonists and shipwrights 
to establish a town and build a fleet,' the Emperor meanwhile urging him speedily to use 
the vessels in a search for the coveted strait, which would open a shorter passage than 
Magellan had found to the Spice Islands. * But Cortes' attention was soon distracted by 
his Honduras expedition, and nothing was done till he returned from that march, when 
he wrote to the Emperor, Sept. 3, 1526, offering to conduct his newly built fleet to the 



^ The Catalogue of the British Museum puts 
under 1562 a map by Furlani called UniveraUs 
Descrittione di tutta la Terra cognosciuta da 
Paulo di Forlani, A " carta nautica" of the 
same cartographer, now in the Biblioth^que 
Nationale at Paris, is figured in Santarcm's Atlas, 
(Cf. Bulletin de la Sociiti de Giographie, 1839; 
and Studi biografici e bibliograficiy ii. p. 142). 
Thomassy in his Papes giographes^ p. 118, men- 
tions a Furlani (engraved) map of 1565, pub- 
lished at Venice, and says it closely resembles 
the Gastaldi type. Another, of 1570, is con- 
tained in Lafreri's Tazwle moderne di geografia^ 
Rome and Venice, 1 554-1 572 (cf. Manno and 
Promis, Notizie di Gastaldi^ 1881, p. 19; Harrisse, 
CabotSf p. 237). Furlani, in 1574, as we shall 
see, had dissevered America and Asia. As to 
Diego Hcrmano, cf. Willes' History 0/ Tratn>ayie 
(London, 1577) fol. 232, verso. 

^ There arc copies in the Library of Con- 



gress and in the Carter-Brown Library. Du- 
foss^ recently priced it at 25 francs. 

* Morton's New English Canaan, Adamses 
edition, p. 126. 

* Sec ante^ p. 104. 

* Magellan and his companions seem to 
have given the latter name, according to Piga- 
fetta, and Galvano and others soon adopted 
the name. (Cf. Bancroft, Central Ameriea, 
vol. i. pp. 135, 136, 373; and the present vol 
ume, ante, p. 196). 

* Brevoort {Verrasano, p. 80) suspects tha\ 
the Vopellio map of 1556 represents the geo« 
graphical views of Cortes at this time. Mr- 
Brevoort has a copy of this rare map. Sec 
ante, p. 436, for fac-simile. 

^ Cf. collation of references in Bancroft, A5?. 
A^xican States, i. 18 ; Northwest Coast, i. 13. 

8 Pacheco, Coleccion de documentos in^ditos 
xxiii 366. 



440 



NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 



Moluccas. But two other fleets were already on the way thither, — one under Garcia 
de Loaysa which left Spain in August, 1525, and the other under Sebastian Cabot, who 
stopped on the way at La Plata, had left in April, 1526. So Cortes finally received orders 



-^ CO 





rinucA <^j^ 






THE PACinC, 1513.^ 



_//• 



to join with his fleet that of Loaysa, who had indeed died on his voyage, and of his ves- 
sels only one had reached the Moluccas. Another, however, had sought a harbor not far 



1 Kohl gives this old Portuguese chart of 
the Pacific in his Washington Collection, after 
an original preserved in the military archives at 
Munich, which was, as he thinks possible, made 
by some pilot accompanying Antonio da Miranda 
de Azevedo, who conducted a Portuguese fleet 
to the Moluccas in 151 3 to join the earlier 
expedition (1511) under D'Abreu and SerraS. 
A legend at Maluca marks these islands as the 



place '* where the cloves grow," while the group 
south of them is indicated as the place '* where 
nutmegs grow." The coast on the right must 
stand for the notion then prevailing of the main 
of America, which was barring the Spanish 
progress from the east. 

Of the early maps of the Moluccas, there is 
one by Baptista Agnese in his portolano of 1 536, 
preserved in the British Museum ; one by Diego 



DISCOVERIES ON THE PACIFIC COAST. 



441 



from Zacatula, and had brought Cortes partial tidings at least of the mishaps of Loaysa's 
undertaking.^ What information the rescued crew could give was made use of, and Cortes, 
bearing the whole expense, for a reimbursement of which he long sued the home Govern- 
ment, sent out his first expedition on the Pacific, under the command of his cousin Alvaro 
de Saavedra Ceron, armed with letters for Cabot, whose delay at La Plata was not suspected, 
and with missives for sundry native potentates of the Spice Islands and that region.' 

After an experimental trip up the coast, in July, 1527,' two larger vessels and a brigan- 
tine set sail Oct. 31, 1527. But mishap was in store. Saavedra alone reached the Moluc- 
cas, the two other vessels disappearing forever. He found there a remnant of Loaysa's 
party, and, loading his ship with cloves, started to return, but died midway, when the crew 
headed their ship again for the Moluccas, where they fell at last into Portuguese prisons, 
only eight of them finally reaching Spain in 1534. 

It will be remembered that the Portuguese, following in the track of Vasco da Gama, 
had pushed on beyond the great peninsula of India, and had reached the Moluccas in 151 1, 
where they satisfied themselves, if their longitude was substantially correct, that there was 
a long space intervening yet before they would confront the Spaniards, pursuing their 
westerly route. It was not quite so certain, however, whether the line of papal demar- 
cation, which had finally been pushed into the mid-ocean westerly from the Azores, would 
on this opposite side of the globe give these islands to Spain or to themselves. The 
voyage of Magellan, as we shall see, seemed to bring the solution near; and if we may 
believe Scotto, the Genoese geographer, at about the same date (1520) the Portuguese had 
crossed the Pacific easterly and struck our northwest coast.^ The mishaps of Loaysa 
and Saavedra, as well as a new understanding between the rival crowns of the Iberian 
peninsula, closed the question rather abruptly through a sale in 1529 — the treaty of 
Saragossa — by Spain, for 350,000 ducats, to Portugal of all her rights to the Moluccas 
under the bull of demarcation.^ 

Cortes, on his return from Spain (1530), resolved to push his discoveries farther up 
the coast. The Spaniards had now occupied Tehuantepec, Acapulco, and Zacatula on the 
sea, and other Spaniards were also to be found at Culiacan, just within the Gulf of Cali- 
fornia on its eastern shore. The political revolutions in Cortes' absence had caused the 
suspension of work on a new fleet, and Cortds was obliged to order the construction of 
another ; and the keels of two were laid at Tehuantepec, and two others at Acapulco. In 
the early part of 1532 they were launched, and in May or June two ships started under 
Hurtado de Mendoza, with instructions which are preserved to us. It is a matter of doubt 
just how far he went,' and both vessels were lost. Nufto de Guzman, who held the region 
to the north,' obstructed their purpose by closing his harbors, to them and refusing 
succor ; and Cortes was thus made to feel the deadliness of his rivalry. The conqueror 
now himself repaired to Tehuantepec, and superintended in person, working with his men, 
the construction of two other ships. These, the ** San Lazaro " and " Concepcion," under 
Diego Becerra, left port on the 29th of October, 1533, and being blown to sea, they first saw 
land in the latitude of 29° 30' north on the i8th of December, when, coasting south and 
east, they developed the lower parts of the Californian peninsula. Mutiny, and attacks of 



Homem in a similar atlas, dated 1 558, likewise 
in the Museum ; and one of 1568, by J. Martines. 
Copies of these are all included in Kohl's Wash- 
ington Collection. 

* Bancroft, Mexico^ ii. 258. 

'^ These are given in Navarrete, v. 442. Cf. 
other references in Bancroft, Mexico^ ii. 258, 
where his statements are at variance with those 
in his Central America^ i. 143. 

' Documentos iniditosy xiv. 65, where a report 
describes this preliminary expedition. 

* In 1 524 Francisco Cort<?s in his expedition 
VOL. II. — 56. 



to the Jalisco coast heard from the natives of a 
wooden house stranded there many years earlier, 
which may possibly refer to an early Portuguese 
voyage. H. H. Bancroft, North Mexican States^ 

i. 15- 

* Prescott, Ferdinand and Isabella^ ii. 180, 
and references. 

* Cf. Bancroft, North Mexican States^ vol. i. 
chap, iii., on this voyage, with full references. 

' Cf. Bancroft, North Mexican States^ vol. i. 
chap, ii., with references; p. 29, on Guzman's 
expedition, and a map of it, p. 31. 



442 



NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 



the natives, during one of which the chief pilot Ximenes was killed, were the hapless 
accompaniments of the undertaking, and during stress of weather the vessels were sepa- 
rated. The *' San Lazaro '* finally returned to Acapulco, but the " Concepcion " struggled 
in a crippled condition into a port within Guzman's province, where the ship was seized. 
A quarrel ensued before the Audiencia^ Cortes seeking to recover his vessel ; but he pros- 
pered little in his suit, and was dri\jen to undertake another expedition under his own 
personal lead. Sending three armed vessels up the coast to Chiametla, where Guzman had 
seized the " Concepcion," Cortes went overland himself, accompanied by a force which 
Guzman found it convenient to avoid. Here he joined his vessels and sailed away with 
a part of his land forces to the west ; and on the ist of May, 1535, he landed at the Bay 
of Santa Cruz, where Ximenes had been killed. What parts of the lower portion of the 
Californian peninsula Cortes now coasted we know from his map, preserved in the Span- 
ish Archives,' which accompanied the account of his taking possession of the new land of 
Santa Cruz, "discovered by Cortes, May 3, 1535," as the paper reads. The point of 
occupation seems to have been the modern La Paz, called by him Santa Cruz. The 
notary's account of the act of possession goes on to say,^ — 

" On the third day of May, in the year of our Lord 1535, on the said day, it may be at the hour 
of noon, be the same less or more, the very illustrious Lord don Hernando Cortes, Marquis of 
the Valley of Guaxaca, Captain-general of New Spain and of the Southern Sea for his Majesty, 
etc., arrived in a port and bay of a country newly discovered in the same Southern Sea, with a ship 
and armament of the said Lord Marquis, at which said port his Lordship arrived with ships and 
men, and landed on the earth with his people and horses ; and standing on the shore of the sea 
there, in presence of me Martin de Castro, notary of their Majesties and notary of the Adminis- 
tration of the said Lord Marquis, and in presence of the required witnesses, the said Lord Marquis 
spoke aloud and said that he, in the name of His Majesty, and in virtue of his royal provision, 
and in fulfilment of His Majesty's instructions regarding discovery in the said Southern Sea, had 
discovered with his ship and armament the said land, and that he had come with his armament 
and people to take possession of it." 

Finding his men and horses insuflicient for the purposes of the colony which he 
intended to establish, Cort^^ despatched orders to the main for assistance, and, pending 
its arrival, coursed up the easterly side of the gulf, and opportunely fell in with one 
of his vessels, much superior to his own brigantine. So he transferred his flag, and, 
returning to Santa Cruz, brought relief to an already famishing colony. 

News reaching him of the appointment of Mendoza as viceroy, Cortds felt he had 
greater stake in Mexico, and hurriedly returned.* Not despairing of better success in 
another trial, and spurred on by indications that the new viceroy would try to anticipate 
him, he got other vessels, and, putting Francisco de UUoa in charge, despatched them 
(July 8, 1539) before Guzman's plan for their detention could be put into execution. 
Ulloa proceeded up the gulf nearly to its head, and satisfied himself that no practi- 
cable water passage, at least, could bring him to the ocean in that direction, as Cortes had 
supposed.* Ulloa now turned south, and following the easterly coast of the peninsula 
rounded its extremity, and coursed it northerly to about 280 north latitude, without find- 
ing any cut-off on that side. So he argued for its connection with the main.* And here 



^ The Rev. Edward E. Hale procured a copy 
of this when in Spain in 1883, and from his 
copy the annexed wood-cut is made. Cf. Go- 
mara, folio 117; Hcrrcra, Decade viii. lib. viii. 
cap. ix. and x. Bancroft {Central America^ i. 
1 50) writes without knowledge of this map. 

2 The Spanish is printed in Navarrete, iv. 
190. 

' This expedition of Cortes is not without 
difficulties in reconciling authorities and tra- 
cing the fate of the colonists which he sought 



to plant at Santa Cruz. Bancroft has examined 
the various accounts {North Mexican States^ i. 
52, etc.). 

* Cortes had called California an island as 
early as 1524, in a report to the Emperor, de- 
ducing his belief from native reports. De Laet 
in 1633 mentions having seen early Spanish 
maps showing it of insular shape. 

* Cf. Prescott's Mexico, iii. 322; Bancroft's 
Mexico^ ii- 42 5 ; Central America^ i- 1 52, and North 
Mexican States ^ i. 79, with references. The 




■f^^-i^ Se^&,-*ta^ — ~- 






COKTES' MAH OF 'IHE GLI.F UF CALlbUKNlA. 



nSCOVERIES ON THE PACIFIC COAST. 



443 



Cortes* connection with discoveries on the Pacific ends ; for Mendoza, who had visions 
of his own, thwarted him in all subsequent attempts, till finally Cortes himself went to 
Spain. The name which his captains gave to the gulf, the Sea of Cortes, failed to abide. 
It grew to be generally called the Red Sea, out of some fancied resemblance, as Wytfliet 
says, to the Red Sea of the Old World. This appellation was supplanted in turn by the 
name of California, which, it is contended, was given to the peninsula by Cortes himself.* 
The oldest map which we were supposed to possess of these explorations about the 
gulf.^ before Dr. Hale brought the one, already mentioned, from Spain, was that of Castillo, 
of which a fac-simile is Herewith given as published by Lorenzana in 1770, at Mexico, in his 
Historia de Nueva Espatla. Castillo was the pilot of the expedition, sent by Mendoza to 
co-operate by sea with the famous expedition of Coronado,* and which the viceroy put under 
the command of Hernando d'Alarcon. The fleet, sailing in May, 1540. reached the head of 
the gulf, and Alarcon ascended the Colorado in boats; but Marcou* thinks he could not 
have gone up to the great cafton, which however he must have reached if his supposed 
latitude of 36° is correct. He failed to open communication with Coronado, but buried 
some letters under a cross, which one of that leader's lieutenants subsequently found.* 



accounts are not wholly reconcilable. It would 
seem probable that Ulloa*s own ship was never 
heard from. Ramusio gives a full account (vol. 
iii. p. 340) by one of the companions of Ulloa, 
on another ship. 

1 At least so says Herrera (Stevens's edition, 
vi. 305). Castaneda defers the naming till Alar- 
con's expedition. Cabrillo in 1542 used the 
name as of well-known application. The origin 
of the name has been a cause of dispute. Pro- 
fessor Jules Marcou is in error in stating that 
the name was first applied by Bernal Diaz to a 
bay on the coast, and so was made to include 
the whole region. He claims that it was simply 
a designation used by Cortes to distinguish a 
land which we now know to be the hottest in the 
two Americas, — Tierra California, derived from 
*'calida fornax," fiery furnace. (Cf. Annual 
Report of the Survey west of the hundredth Par- 
allel, by George M. Wheeler, 1876, p. 386; and 
Annual Report of the Chief of Engineers ^ U.S.A., 
1878, appendix, also printed separately as N^otes 
upon the First Discoveries of California and the 
Origin of its Name, by Jules Marcou, Washing- 
ton, 1878.) Bancroft {California ^ i. 65, 66) points 
out a variety of equivalent derivations which 
have been suggested. The name was first traced 
in 1862, by Edward E. Hale, to a romance pub- 
lished, it is supposed, in 1510, — Las Sergas de 
Esplandian, by Garcia Ordonez de Montalvo, 
which might easily enough have been a pop- 
ular book with the Spanish followers of Cortes. 
There were later editions in 1519, 1521, 1525, 
and 1526. In this romance Esplandian, empe- 
ror of the Greeks, the imaginary son of the im- 
aginary Amadis, defends Constantinople against 
the infidels of the East. A pagan queen of Am- 
azons brings an army of Amazons to the succor 
of the infidels. This imaginary queen is named 
Calafia, and her kingdom is called ** Califor- 
nia," — a name possibly derived from "Calif," 
which, to the readers of such a book, would 



be associated with the East. California in the 
romance is represented as an island rich with 
gold and diamonds and pearls. The language 
of the writer is this : — 

•* Know that on the right hand of the Indies there 
is an island called California, very close to the side of 
the Terrestrial Paradise ; and it was peopled by black 
women, without any man among them, for they lived 
in the fashion of Amazons. They were of strong and 
hardy bodies, of ardent courage and great force. Their 
island was the strongest in all the world, with its steep 
cliffs and rocky shores. Their arms were all of gold, 
and so was the harness of the wild beasts which they 
tamed to ride ; for in the whole island there was no 
metal but gold. They lived in caves wrought out of 
the rock with much labor. They had many ships, with 
which they sailed out to other countries to obtain 
booty.'* 

That this name, as an omen of wealth, struck 
the fancy of Cortes is the theory of Dr. Hale, 
who adds " that as a»western pioneer now gives 
the name of * Eden ' to his new home, so Cortes 
called his new discovery * California.' " (Cf. 
Hale in Amer. Antiq, Soc. Proc.^ April 30, 1862; 
in Historical Magazine ^ vi. 312, Oct. 1862 ; in His 
Level Best, p. 234 ; and in Atlantic Monthly, xiii. 
265; J. Archibald in Overland Monthly ^ ii. 437, 
Prof. J. D. W^hitney in article " California " in 
Encyclopadia Britannica.) Bancroft {North 
Mexican States^ vol. i. p. 82; and California, vol. 
i. p. 64) points out how the earliest use of the 
name known to us was in Preciado's narrative 
(Ramusio, vol. iii. p. 343) of Ulloa's voyage; 
and that f.here is no evidence of "its use by Cor- 
t<?s himself. It was applied then to the bav or 
its neighborhood, which had been called Santa 
Cruz or La Paz. 

2 Kohl, Maps in Hakluyt, p. 58. 

* CL post, chap. vii. 

* Notes, etc., p. 4. 

* We have Alarcon's narrative in Ramusio, 
iii* 363; Herrera, Dec. vi. p. 208; Hakluyt, iii. 



NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 




CASTILLO'S MAP, I54I.' 



In 154Z and 1543 an expedition which started under Juan Rodriguez Cabrillo, a Por- 
tuguese in the Spanish service, explored the coast as far as 44° north,' reaching that 
point by coasting from 330, where he struck the land. He made a port which he calls 
San Miguel, which Bancroft is inclined to believe is San Diego; but the accounts are too 
confused to track him confidently,' und it is probable that Cabrillo's own vessel did 
not get above 33°, for Cabrillo himself died Jan. 3, 1543, his chief pilot, Ferrelo (or 
Ferrer), continuing the explorations.* Bancroft does not think that the pilot passed 
north of Cape Mendocino in 40° 26*. 



425, 505; Ternaux-Compans' Voyager, etc., ix. 
Z99. Bancroft (jVbrM Mexuan S/alei, vol. i. 
p. 93) gives various references. An intended 
second expedition under Alarcon, with % co-oper- 
ailng fleet to follow the outer coast of the penin- 



ailed of 



The 



o Alar 



n for h 



n the 



IS voyage 

California coast, by order of Mendoia, are given 
m B. Smith's Culeceion, p. i. 

\This map is marked "Domingo del Cas- 
tillo, piloto me fecit en Mexico, afio del nad- 
miento de N. S. Jesu Christo de M. D. XLI." 



Bancroft, Ctntral Amerita, vol. i. p. 153. gives 
a sketch of this map, and again in North Afexi- 
tan Stalei, i. Si ; but he carries the outer coast 
of the peninsula too far to the west. 

'These are the ship's figures; but it is 
thought their reckoning was one or two degrees 
too high. 

* Attempts have t)een made. Cf. Bancroft, 

Cali/antia, i. 70; Narthnril Ceait. \. 38. 

* The source of our information for this vo^' 
age is a Relacint (June 17, 1541, to April 14, 
1543) prinled in Pachcco's Coliceien de doeit 



DISCOVERIES ON THE PACIFIC COAST. 



445 



Thus from the time when Balboa discovered the South Sea, the Spanish had taken 
thirty years to develop the coast northerly, to the latitude of Oregon. In this distance 
they had found nothing of the Straits of Anian, which, if Humboldt ^ is correct, had begun 
to take form in people's minds ever since Cortereal, in 1500, had supposed Hudson's 
Straits to be the easterly entrance of a westerly passage.*-* 

There seems to have been a general agreement among cartographers for some years 
yet to consider the newly discovered California as a peninsula, growing out of the 
concurrent testimony of those who, subsequent to Cortes' own expedition, had tracked 
both the gulf and the outer coast. The Portuguese map given by Kunstmann ' shows 
it as such, though the map cannot be so early as that geographer places its anterior limit 
(1530), since the development of the gulf could not have been made earlier than 1535, 
unless by chance there were explorations from the Moluccas, of which we have no record. 
The map in this part bears a close resemblance to a manuscript chart in the British 
Museum, placed about 1536, and it seems probable that this is the approximate date of 
that in Kunstmann. The California peninsula is shown in much the same way in a map 
which Major ascribes to Baptista Agnese, and places under 1539.* It belongs (pi. iv.) to 
what has been sometimes spoken of as an atlas of Philip II. inscribed to Charles V., but 
in fact it was given to Philip by Charles.* Its essential features were almost exactly 



mentos iniditoSy xiv. 165 ; and very little is added 
from other sources, given in Bancroft, North 
Mexican States^ i. 133. Buckingham Smith gave 
the Relacion earlier in his CoUccion de varios 
Docutnentos para la historia de la Florida y Ti- 
er ras adyaccntes (Madrid, 1857, vol. i. p. 173). 
A translation is contained in Wheeler's Uniied 
States Geological Survey^ vol. vii., with notes, and 
an earlier English version by Alexander S. Tay- 
lor was published in San Francisco in 1853, as 
The First Voyage to the Coast of California. Cf . 
also Bancroft's California^ i. 69 ; N^orthwest Coasts 
i. 137. It is thought that Juan Paez was the 
author of the original, which is preserved among 
the Simancas papers at Seville. Herrera seems 
to have used it, omitting much and adding some- 
what, thus making the narrative which, till the 
original was printed, supplied the staple source 
to most writers on the subject. In 1802 Navar- 
rete summarized the story from this Relacion in 
vol. XV. of his Docutnentos iniditos, Bancroft 
(vol. i. p. 81) cites numerous unimportant refer- 
ences. 

' NoHvelle Espagne (i. 330), where, as well as 
in other of the later writers, it is said the name 
" Anian " came from one of Cortereal's compan- 
ions. But see H. II. Bancroft, Northwest Coast ^ 
vol. i. pp. 36, 55, 56, where he conjectures 
that the name is a confused reminiscence at a 
later day of the name of Anus Cortereal, men- 
tioned by Hakluyt in 15.S2. 

2 There was at one time a current belief in 
the story of a Dutch vessel being driven through 
such a strait to the Pacific, passing the great 
city of Quivira, which had been founded by the 
Aztecs after they had been driven from Mexico 
by the Spaniards. Then there are similar sto- 
ries told by Mencndez (1554) and associated 
with Urdaneta's name (cf. Bancroft, Northwest 



Coast, vol. i. p. 51); and at a later day other 
like sfbries often prevailed. The early maps 
place the " Regnum Anian " and " Quivira " on 
our northwestern coast. Bancroft {AWthwest 
Coastt vol. L pp. 45, 49) thinks Gomara respon- 
sible for transferring Quivira from the plains to 
the coast. See Editorial Note at the end of 
chap. vii. 

It is sometimes said (see Bancroft, North- 
west Coasts vol. i. p. 55) that the belief in the 
Straits of Anian sprang from a misinterpreta- 
tion of a passage in Marco Polo ; but Bancroft 
(p. 53) cannot trace the name back of 1574, as 
he finds it in one of the French (Antwerp) 
editions of Ortelius of that year. Ortelius had 
used the name, however, in his edition of 1570, 
but only as a copier, in this as in other respects, 
of Mercator, in his great map of 1 569, as Ban- 
croft seems to suspect. Porcacchi (1572), Fur- 
lani or Forlani (1574), and others put the name 
on the Asian side of the strait, where it is prob- 
able that it originally appeared. Bancroft (p. 81 ) 
is in error in saying that the name " Anian " 
was " for the first time " applied to the north and 
south passage between America and Asia, as 
distinct from the east and west passage across 
the continent, in the " Mercator Atlas of 1595 ; '* 
for such an application is apparent in the map 
of Zalterius (1566), Mercator (1569), Porcacchi 
(1572), Forlani (1574), Best's Frobisher (1578), 
— not to name others. 

^ Sketched in this History, Vol. IV. p. 46. 

* Harrisse [Cabots, p. 193) places it about 
1542. 

'^ It is described by Malte Brun in the 
Bulletin de la Sociiti de Ghgraphie^ 1 876, p. 
625; and an edition of a hundred copies of a 
photographic reproduction, edited by Frederic 
Spitzer, was issued in Paris in 1875. There 



446 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA- 



4r— 



//.:— 



reproduced in a draft of the New World (preserved in the British Museum) assigned to 
about 1540, and held to be the work of the Portuguese hydrographer Homem. Apian > and 

Mttnster^ in 1540, and M cr- 
eator in 1541,8 while boldly 
delineating a coast which 
extends farther north than 
Cabrillo had reached in 
1542, wholly ignore this 
important feature. Not so, 
however, Sebastian Cabot 
in his famous Mappemonde 
of 1544, as will be seen by 
the annexed sketch. The 
idea of Miinster, as em- 
bodied in his edition of 
Ptolemy in 1540,* already 
referred to, was continued 
without essential change in 
the Basle edition of Ptol- 
emy in 1545* In 1548 the 
** carta marina " of Gastaldi, 
as shown on a previous 
page,* clearly defined the 
peninsula, while merging 






/SI. 



30'.^ 



♦i — 




Ty Oi^ « r Vi 5 



r/'— . 



HOMEM, ABOUT I5407 



is a copy of the last in Harvard College Library. 
A similar peninsula is shown in plate xiv. of 
the same atlas. 

1 Repeated in 1545- 

2 See Vol. IV. p. 41. 

• See anltt p. 177. 

* This edition, issued at Basle, had twenty 
modern maps designed by Miinster, two of 
which have American interest : — 

a, Typus universalis^ — an elliptical map, 
showing America on the left, but with a part 
of Mexico (Temistitan) carried to the right 
of the map, with a strait — " per hoc fretii iter 
patet ad molucas '' — separating America from 
India superior on the northwest. 

h. Nova iftstila, — the map reproduced in 
Vol. IV. p. 41. 

There arc copies of this 1540 edition of 
Ptolemy in the Astor Library, in the collections 
of Mr. Barlow, Mr. Deanc, and President White 
of Cornell, while one is noted in the Murphy 
Catalogue, no. 2,058, which is now in the library 
of the American Geograpf^ical Society. This 
edition was issued the next vcar with the date 
changed to 1541. Cf. Winsor*s Bibliography of 
Ptolemy. The same maps were also used in the 
Basle edition of 1542, with borders surrounding 
them, some of which were designs, perhaps, of 
Holbein. There are copies of this edition in the 
Astor Library, and in the collections of Brevoort, 
Barfow, and J. H. Trumbull, of HartforJ. The 
Afurpky Catalo^e shows another, no. 2,066. 



^ The "Typus universalis" of this edition, 
much the same as in the edition of 1540, was 
re-engraved for the Basle edition of 1552, with 
a few changes of names : " Islandia," for instance, 
which is on the isthmus connecting " Bacalhos ** 
with Norway, is left out, and so is " Thyle " 
on Iceland, which is now called "Island." 
This last engraving was repeated in Miinster's 
Cosmographia in 1554. 

There are copies of the Ptolemy of 1545 
in the libraries of Congress and of Harvard 
College, and in the Carter-Brown Collection. 
One is also owned by J. R. Webster, of East 
Milton, Mass., and another is shown in the 
Murphy Catalogue, no. 2,078. 

Copies of the 1552 edition are in the libra- 
ries of Congress, of New York State, and of 
Cornell University. The Sobolewski copy is 
now in the collection of Prof. J. D. Whitney, 
Cambridge, Mass. Dr. O'Callaghan's copy 
was sold in New York, in December, 1882 ; the 
Murphy copy is no. 2,065 of the Murphy 
Catalogue, 

The maps were again reproduced in the 
Ptolemy of 1555. 

8 Ante, p. 435. 

^ This follows Kohl's drawing, of which 
a portion is also given in his Discovery oj 
Maine, p. 298. It is evidently of a later date 
than another of his in which the west coast 
is left indefinite, and which is assigned to about 
1530. In the present map he apparently env 



DISCOVERIES ON THE PACIFIC COAST. 



447 



the coast line above into that of Asia. The peninsula was also definitely marked in 
several of the maps preserved in the Riccardi palace at Florence, which are supposed to 
be of about the middle of the sixteenth century.^ 

In the map of Juan Freire, 1546, we have a development of the coast northward from 
the peninsula, for which it is not easy to account ; and the map is peculiar in other respects. 




CABOT, 1544. 

The annexed sketch of it follows KohPs drawing of an old portolano, which he took from 
the original while it was in the possession of Santarem. Freire, who was a Portuguese 
hydrographer, calls it a map of the Antipodes, a country discovered by Columbus, the 
Genoese. It will be observed that about the upper lake we have the name "Bimini 
regio," applied to Florida after the discovery of Ponce de Leon, because of the supposi- 
tion that the fountain of youth existed thereabout. The coasts on both sides of the gulf 
are described as the discovery of Cortes. There seems to be internal evidence that 
Freire was acquainted with the reports of Ulloa and Alarcon, and the chart of Castillo ; 
but it is not so clear whence he got the material for his draft of the more westerly 
portions of the coast, which, it will be observed, are given much too great a westerly 
trend. The names upon it do not indicate any use of Cabrillo's reports ; though from 
an inscription upon this upper coast Freire credits its discovery to the Spaniards, under 



bodied Cabot's discoveries in the La Plata, 
but had not heard of Orell ana's exploration 
of the Amazon in 1 542 ; though he had got news 
of it when he made his map of 1558. A marked 
peculiarity of the map is the prolongation of 
northwestern Europe as " Terra Nova,'* which 



probably means Greenland, — a view entertained 
before Columbus. 

^ Plates vi., vii., ix., as shown in the Jahrbuch 
des Vereins fiir Erdkunde in Dresden^ 1870. 

2 Sketched from a photograph of the origi- 
nal mappemonde in the great library at Paris. 



448 



NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 










1 This is sketched from a drawing in the 
Kohl Collection at Washington. 

3 Bancroft, North Mexican States, L 137. 
* See ante, p. 436. 



orders from the emperor, 
conducted by one Villa- 
lobos. Kohl could not 
find any mention of such 
an explorer, but con- 
jectured he was perhaps 
the one who before Ca- 
brillo, as Herrera men- 
tions, had named a river 
somewhere near 30° north 
latitude " Rio de Nuestra 
Sefiora," and which Ca- 
brillo sought. Kohl also 
observes that though the 
coast line is continuous, 
there are places upon it 
marked " land not seen," 
with notes of its being 
again seen west of such 
places; and from this he 
argues that the expedition 
went up and not down 
the coast. It not unlikely 
had some connection with 
the fleet which Ruy Lopez 
de Villalobos conducted 
under Mendoza's orders, 
in November, 1542, across 
the Pacific to the islands 
on the Asiatic coast. ^ 

In 1554 Agnese again 
depicts the gulf, but does 
not venture upon draw- 
ing the coast above the 
peninsula, which in turn 
in the Vopellio map of 
1556,' and in that in 
Ramusio the same year,* 
is made much broader, 
the gulf indenting more 
nearly at a right angle. 
The Homemmapof 1558, 
preserved in the British 
Museum, returns to the 
more distinctive penin- 
sula,* though it is again 
somewhat broadened in 
the Martines map of about 
the same date, which also 
is of interest as establish- 



* See ante, p. 228. 

* This map of Homem is given on another 
page. His delineation of the gulf seems to be 
like Castillo's, and is carried two degrees too 



DISCOVERIES ON THE PACIFIC COAST. 



449 



ing a type of map for the shores of the northern Pacific, and for prefiguring Behring's 
Straits, which we shall later frequently meet Mention has already been made of the 
Furlani map of 1 560 for its Asiatic con- 
nections, while it still clearly defined the 
California peninsula.^ The Ruscelli 
map in the Ptolemy of 1561 again pre- 
serves the peninsula, while marking the 
more northerly coasts with a dotted line, 
in Its general map of the New World ; 
but the " Mar Vermeio " in its map of 
"Nueva Hispania" is the type of the 
gulf given in the 1548 edition. The 
Marlines type again appears in the 
• Zaltieri map of 1566, which is thought to 
be the earliest engraved map to show the 
Straits of Anian.^ 

The manuscript map of Diegus (Ho- 
mem) of 1568, in the Royal Library in 
Dresden, gives the peninsula, but turns 
the more northerly coast abruptly to the 
east, connecting it with the archipelago, 
which stands for the St. Lawrence in his 
map of 1558.8 

The great Mappemonde of M creator, 
published at Duisburg in 1569, in which 

he introduced his new projection,* as will be seen by the annexed sketch,® keeps to the 
Martines type ; and while it depicts the Straits of Anian, it renders uncertain, by inter- 
posing a vignette, the passage by the north from the Atlantic to the Pacific. "* The next 
year Ortelius followed the same type in his Theatrum orbis Urrarumy — the prototype of 
the modern atlas.* 

A similar western coast® is defined by Porcacchi, in his V isole piu famose del mondo^ 
issued at Venice in 1572.^° 




PTOLEMY, 1548.* 



far north as in that draft ; but Castillo's names 
are wanting in Homem, who lays down the 
peninsula better, following, as Kohl conjectures, 
Ulloa's charts. He marks the coast above 
33° as unknown, showing that he had no 
intelligence of Cabrillo*s voyage. 

1 See ante^ p. 438. 

2 Stt post^ p. 451. 

' See Vo^ IV. p. 92. The 1568 map is a 
part of an Atlante maritimo, of which a full- 
size colored fac-simile of the part showing the 
Moluccas is given in Ruge's GesckichU des 
Zei falters der Entdeckungen. It is a parchment 
collection of twenty-seven maps showing the 
Portuguese possessions in the two Indies. Cf. 
Katalog der Handschriften der Kais, Off. Bihl, zu 
Dresden, 1882, vol. i. p. 369. 

* Key: i. Basos. 2. Ancoras. 3. p^. bale- 
nas. 4. S. Tomas. 5. C ; + 6. Mar \ ermeio. 
7. b : canoas. 8. p°. secodido. 9. R. tontonte- 
anc. 10. p°. tabursa. ii.puercos. 12. s. franc^. 
13. b: de s. 4- 14. Vandras. 15. Ciguata. 
16. s. tiago. 

VOL. II. — 57. 



5 See Vol. IV. p. 369; and the note, post, 
p. 470. 

* See p. 452. 

^ There is a full-size fac-simile in Joraard's 
Monuments de la Ghgraphie, pi. xxi., but it omits 
the legends given in the tablets ; in Lelewel, vol. 
i. pi. v.; also cf. vol. i. p. xcviii, and vol. ii. pp 
181, 225; and, much reduced from Jomard, in 
Daly's Early Cartography, p. 38. 

8 Cf. Vol TIL p. 34; Vol. IV. p. 372; and the 
note, /^j/, p. 471. 

^ See the map, post, p. 453. 

^^ There are copies of this first edition in the 
Harvard College, Boston Public, Astor, and 
Carter-Brown libraries, and in the Brevoort 
Collection. It should have thirty small copper- 
plate maps, inserted in the text. Cf. Carter- 
Brown Catalogue, vol. i. no. 292 ; Stevens, 
Historical Collections, vol. i. no. 648 ; O* Callaghan 
Catalogue, no. 1,866 (now Harvard College 
copy); Court, no. 284; Rich, Catalogue {iS^z), 
nos. 51, 55. etc. 

Two of its maps show America, but only 



450 



NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 




Tun* A«l »ukCO*^'*^v» 



The peninsula of California, but nothing north of it, is again delineated in a Spanish 
mappemonde of 1573, shown in Lelewel.^ The Mercator type is followed in the maps 

which are dated 1574, 
but which appeared in 
the Theatri or bis terra- 
rum enchiridion of 
Philippus Gallaeus, pub- 
lished at Antwerp in 
1585.2 In the same year 
the Italian cartographer 
Furlani, or Forlani, 
showed how he had ad- 
vanced from the views 
which he held in 1560, 
in a map of the north- 



and ii. p. 1 14. He says it 
was taken from Spain to 
Warsaw, and has disap- 
peared. 

2 It has two maps, 
varying somewhat, " Ty- 
pus orbis terrarum" and 
'* Americae sive novi orbis 
nuova descriptio," — the 
work of Hugo Favolius. 
Cf. Leclerc, no. 206; Mul- 
ler (1877), no. 1,198. The 
text is in verse. 
' This sketch follows a copy by Kohl 
(Washington Collection) of the general map 
of the world, contained in a manuscript vellum 
atlas in the British Museum (no. 9,814), from 
the collection of the Duke de Cassano Serra. 
It is elaborately executed with miniatures and 
figures. The language of the map is chiefly 
Italian, with some Spanish traces. Kohl 
believes it to be the work of Joannes Martines, 
the same whose atlas of 1578 is also in the 
Museum, and whose general map (1578) agrees 
in latitudes and other particulars with this. 
The present one lacks -degrees of longitude, 
which the 1578 map has, as well as the name 
" America," wanting also in this. Kohl places 
it not long after the middle of the sixteenth 
centur)-. In the CataJo^e of Manuscript Maps ^ 
i. 29, the atlas of 1578 is mentioned as con- 
taining the following numbers relating to 
America: i. The world. 2. The two hemi- 
spheres. 3. The world in gores. 10. West 
coast of America. 11. Coast of Mexico. 12-13. 
South America. 14. Gulf of Mexico. 15. Part 
of the east coast of North America. 

In the Museum manuscripts, no. 22,018, is 
a portolano by Martines, dated 1579; and an 
other, of date 1582, is entered in the 1844 
edition of the Catalogue of Manuscript Maps^ 
\. 31. Kohl's Washington Collection includes 
two Martines maps of 1 578. 



MARTINES, 1 55 - (?) .^ 

one gives the western coast, while both have 
the exaggerated continental Tierra del Fuego. 
The map sketched in the text is given in fac- 
simile in Stevens's Notes, Both maps were 
repeated in the 1576 edition (Venice, with 1575 
in the colophon). This edition shows forty- 
seven maps ; and pp. 157-184 (third book) 
treat of America. Besides a map of the world 
it has a *' carta da navigar " (p. 198), maps of 
Cuba and other islands, and a plan of Mexico 
and its lake. There are copies in the Boston 
Public and Harvard College libraries, Mr. 
Deane's Collection, etc. Cf. Stevens, Historical 
Collections, vol. i. no. 82 ; Carter-Brown, vol. i. 
no. 309; Muller (1872), no. 1,255. 

Another edition was issued at Venice in 
1590. Cf. Bostoft Public Library Catalogue^ no. 
6271.14, Carter-Brown, i. 393; Murphy, no. 
2,010. Later editions were issued at Venice in 
1604 (forty-eight maps) ; in 1605 (Carter-Brown, 
ii. 40) ; and in 1620 (Carter-Brown, ii. 241 ; Cooke, 
no. 2,858, now in Harvard College Library), 
which was published at Padua, and had maps 
of North America (p. 161), Spagnolla (p. 165), 
Cuba (p. 172), Jamaica (p. 175), Moluccas 
p. 189), and a mappemonde (p. 193). The last 
edition we have noted was issued at Venice 
in 1686, with the maps on separate leaves, and 
not in the text as previouslv. 

^ Plate vi. He describes it in vol. i. p. ci. 



DISCOVERIES ON THE PACIFIC COAST. 




I It was published at Venice, and was in part followed by Ortetius in 1570^ It is also iketched 
In Vol. IV. p. 93. 



452 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 




tl MA II 
PACIFJCO 



BCERCATOR, 1 5 69. 

em Pacific, which is annexed.^ It is the earliest map in which Japan has been noted as 
having its greatest length east and west; for Ortelius and others alwa3rs give it an 
extension on the line of the meridian. 

Sir Humphrey Gilbert's m&p in 1576 gives the straits, but he puts *' Anian^ on the 
Asiatic side, and does not indicate the Gulf of California, unless a forked bay in 35° 
stands for it.' The map in Best* s Frobisher makes the Straits of Anian connect with 
** Frobisher's straightes" to give a through passage from ocean to ocean, and depicts a 
distorted California peninsula.* 

Mention has already been made on a previous page of a Martines map of 1578. It 
has a similar configuration to that already shown as probably the earliest instance of its 
type. Of the explorations of Francis Drake in 1579 we have no cartographical record, 
except as it may be embodied in the globe of Molineaux, preserved in the Middle 
Temple, London, which is dated 1592, and in the map of the same cartographer, dated 



See p. 454. mizes Gilbert's arguments for a passage. Willes 

* Ci the map^ as given in VoL III. p. 203. gives reasons in Haklu}'t, vol. Hi. p. 24. 
Bancroft {JVortJhotst C<fast^ voL i. p. 58) cpito- • See fac-simile in Vol. III. p. 102. 



DISCOVERIES ON THE PACIFIC COAST. 



453 



JttLtiandijL 




•AtATtt 












PORCACCHI, 1572. 

1600.^ Molineaux seemingly made use of the results of CabriUo's voyage, as indicated by 
the Spanish names placed along the coast. It was one of the results of Drake's voyage 
that the coast line of upper California took a more northerly trend. The map of Dr. D^e 
(1580) evidently embodied the views of the Spanish hydrographers.* 



^ Cf. the sketch of the California coast from 
this last in Vol. III. p. 8a 

The question of the harbor in which Drake 
refitted his ship for his return voyage by Cape 
of Good Hop>e has been examined in another 
place (Vol. III. pp. 74, 80). Since that volume 
was printed, H. H. Bancroft has published 
vol. i. of his History of California ; and after 
giving a variety of references on Drake's 
voyage (p. 82) he proceeds to examine the 
question anew, expressing his own opinion 
decidedly against San Francisco, and believing 
it can never be settled whether Bodega or the 
harbor under Boint Reyes (Drake's Bay of the 
modern maps) was the harbor; though on an- 
other page (p. 158) he thinks the spot was 
Drake's Bay, and in a volume previously 
issued (CentraJ Americaj vol. ii. p. 419) he 
had given a decided opinion in favor of it. 
In his discussion of the question, he claims 
that Dr. Hale and most other investigators 
have not been aware that the harbor behind 
Point Reyes was discovered in 1595 by Cer- 
mefion (p. 96), and then named San Francisco; 
and that it is this old San Francisco, visited 
by Viscaino in 1603, and sought by PortoU 
in 1769, when this latter navigator stumbled 



on the Golden Gate, which is the San Francisco 
of the old geographers and cartographers, and 
not. the magnificent harbor now known by that 
name (p. 157). He adds that the tradition 
among the Spaniards of the coast has been 
more in favor of Bodega than of Drake's Bay; 
while the modem San Francisco has never 
been thought of by them. Beyond emphasizing 
the distinction between the old and new San 
Francisco, Mr. Bancroft has brought no new 
influence upon the solution of the question. 
He makes a point of a Pacific sea-manual of 
Admiral Cabrera Bueno, published at Manilla 
in 1734 as NcFvegacion Especuiatioftf being used 
to set this point clear for the first time in Eng- 
lish, when one of his assistants wrote a paper 
in the Overland Monthly in 1874. The book 
is not very scarce ; Quaritch advertised a copy 
in 1879 for £A' Bancroft (p. 106) seems to 
use an edition of 1792, though he puts the 1754 
edition in his list of authorities. Various docu- 
ments from the Spanish Archives relating to 
Drake's exploits in the Pacific have been pub- 
lished (since Vol. III. was printed) in Peralta's 
Costa Hica^ Nicaragua y Panamd en ei siglo 
XVIy Madrid, 1883, p. 569, etc. 
2 See the sketch in Vol. IV. p. 98. 



454 



NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 



In 1582 Popellini^re ^ repeated the views of Mercator and Ortelius ; but in England 
Michael Lok in this same year began to indicate the incoming of more erroneous views.* 
The California gulf is carried north to 45°, where a narrow strip separates it from a vague 
northern sea, the western extension of the sea of Verrazano. 




^Ay- 



"^ 



MAP OF PAULO DE FURLANI, I574 



8 



After the Spaniards had succeeded, in opposition to the Portuguese, in establishing 
a regular commerce between Acapulco and Manilla (Philippine Islands), the trade-winds 
conduced to bring upper California into better knowledge. The easterly trades carried 
their outward-bound vessels directly west ; but they compelled them to make a detour 
northward on their return, by which they also utilized the same Japanese current which 
brought the Chinese to Fusang* many centuries before. An expedition which Don Luis de 
Velasco had sent in 1564, by direction of Philip II., accompanied by Andres de Urdaneta, 
who had been in those seas before with Loaysa in 1525, had succeeded in making a per- 
manent occupation of the Philippines for Spain in 1564. It became now important to find 
a practicable return route, and under Urdaneta's counsel it was determined to try to find it 
by the north. One of the galleons deserted, and bearing northerly struck the California 
coast near Cape Mendocino, and arrived safe at Acapulco three months before Urdaneta 



1 Cf. Sabin, vol. x. p. 75; Court, 185, 186; 
Carter-Brown, vol. i. p. 292; Huth, iv. 1,169; 
Stevens's Historical Collections, vol. i. no. 135, 
and Vol. III. of the present History, p. 37, for 
other mention of Popellini^re*s Les Trois Mondes. 
The third world is the great Antarctic continent so 
common in maps of this time. 

2 Lok's map from Haklu)*t's Divers Voyages 
is given in fac-simile in Vol. III. p. 40 and Vol. 
IV. p. 44. There is a sketch of it in Bancroft, 
North Mexican States, vol. i. p. 151, and in his 
Northwest Coast^ vol. i. p. 65. 



' Furlani is said to have received this map 
from a Spaniard, Don Diego Hermano de 
Toledo, in 1574. The sketch is made from 
the drawing in KohPs manuscript in the Ameri- 
can Antiquarian Society Library. The key is 
as follows : i. Mare incognito. 2. Stretto di 
Anian. 3. Quivir. 4. Golfo di Anian. 5. 
Anian regnum. 6. Quisau. 7. Mangi Prov. 
8. Mare de Mangi. 9. Isola di Giapan. 10. V. 
de Cedri. 

* The question of Fusang, which Kohl he- 
lieves to be Japan, is discussed in Vol. I. 



DISCOVERIES ON THE PACIFIC COAST. 



455 



himself had proved the value of his theory. The latter's course was to skirt the coast of 
Japan till under 38°, when he steered southerly; and after a hard voyage, in whidi he saw 
no land and most of his crew died, 



196* 

1 



T 



1* 



JT>^ 






'40'- 



he reached Acapulco in October.^ 
Other voyages were made in suc- 
ceeding years, but the next of which 
we have particular account was that 
of Francisco Gali, who, returning 
from Macao in 1584, struck the Cali- 
fornia coast in 37° 30', and marked 
a track which other navigators later 
followed.^ 

The map (1587) in Hakluyt's 
Paris edition of Peter Martyr cbn- 
formed more nearly to the Mercator 
type ;8 and Hakluyt, as well as Lok, 
records Drake's discovery, both of 
them putting it, however, in 1580. 

With the year 1588 is associated 
a controversy over what purports to 
be a memoir setting forth the pas- 
sage of the ship of a Spanish navi- 
gator, Lorenzo Ferrer de Maldonado, 
from the Atlantic to the Pacific, 
through a strait a quarter of a league 
wide. The passage took him as high 
as 75°; but he reached the Pacific 
under the sixtieth parallel. The 

opening was identified by him with the long-sought Straits of Anian. The belief in this 
story had at one time some strong advocates, but later geographical discoveries have of 
course pushed it into the limbo of forgotten things ; for it seems hardly possible to 
identify, as was done by Amoretti, the narrow passage of Maldonado, under 60°, with 
that which Behring discovered, sixteen leagues wide, under 65°.* 



Jo;- 



zU' 




CioV 



1 
540' 



JtSO' 



FROM MOLINEAUX'S GLOBE, 1592.^ 



1 Peschel, Geschichte der Erdkunde^ 1865, pp. 
322, 395 ; J. C. Brevoort in Magazine of Ameri- 
can History^ vol. i. p. 250; Burney, Voyages^ 
vol. i , and Bancroft, North Mexican States ^ 
vol. i. p. 139, where there are references and 
collections of authorities. 

2 Gali's letter is in Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 526, 
copied from Linschoten. Cf. inscription on the 
Molineaux map of 1600 in this History, Vol. III. 
p. 80, and Bancroft, California^ vol. i. p. 94. 
The map which Gali is thought to have made 
is not now known (Kohl, Maps in Hakluyt^ 
61). Bancroft says that Gali's mention of Cape 
Mendocino is the earliest, but it is not definitely 
known by whom that prominent point was first 
named. 

8 This map is sketched in Vol. IH. p. 42. 

* This is sketched from a draught in the 
Kohl Collection. Cf. Vol. III. pp. 196, 212. 
The dotted line indicates the track of Drake. 
There has been much controversy over the 
latitude of Drake's extreme northing, fixed, as 



it will be seen in this map, at about 480, which 
is the statement of the World Encompassed, 
and by the Famous Voyage, at 43°. The two 
sides were espoused warmly and respectively 
by Greenhow in his Oregon and California^ and 
by Travers Twiss in his Oregon Question, during 
the dispute between the United States and 
Great Britain about the Oregon boundary. 
Bancroft {Northivest Coast, vol. i. p. 144), who 
presents the testimony, is inclined to the lower 
latitude. 

* It is claimed that Maldonado presented 
his memoir in 1609 to the Council of the Indies, 
and asked for a reward for the discovery ; and 
there are two manuscripts purporting to be the 
original memoir. One, of which trace is found 
in 1672, 1738, 1775, ^781 (copied by Mufioz), 
and printed in 1788, was still existing, it is 
claimed, in 1789, and was reviewed in 1790 
by the French geographer Buache, who en- 
deavored to establish its authenticity; and it 
is translated, with maps, in Barrow's phronologi 



456 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 

In 1591 we have the alleged voyage of De Fuca, of which he spoke in 1596, in Venice, 
to Michael Lok, who told Purchas ; and he in turn included it in his Pilgrims.^ He told 

Lok that he had been 
captured and plundered 
on the California coast 
by Cavendish,*— a state- 
ment which some have 
thought continned by 
Cavendish's own avowal 
of his taking a pilot on 
that coast, — and that at 
the north he had entered 
a strait a hundred miles 
wide, under 47° and 48", 
which had a pinnacle 
rock at the entrance ; and 
that within the strait he 
had found the coast 
trending northeast, bor- 
dering a sea upon which 
he had sailed for twenty 
days. This siory, de- 
spite its exaggerations, 
and though discarded 
formerly, has gained 
some credence with later 
investigators ; and the 
application of his name 
to the passage which 
leads to Pugel Sound 
seems to have been the 
result of a vague and 




SPANISH GALLEON.* 



tal ffistory ef Voyagts, etc Another manuscript 
was found in the Ambroiian library in 1811, 
and was published at Milan as Viaggio dal 
mare Allantico al Pacijico, translated from a 
Spanish minoscript (Stevens, Bihliethaa gee- 
grafhua, no. 1,746), and again in French at 
Plafxance in 1813. The editor was Charles 
Amoretti, who added a discourse, expressing 
his belief in it, together with a circumpoUr 
map marking Maldonado's track. (Harvard 
College Library, no. 4331. j-l This book was 
reviewed by Barrow in the QaarUrly Heviem, 
October, 1816. Cf. Bumey's Veyaget, vol. v. 
p. 167. A memoir by the Chevalier Lapie, with 
another map of the " Mer polaire," is printed in 
the JVamelles Annalet del feyogtt, vol. ai. 
(iSsi). Bancroft \Ncrthifest Coait, i. 98) repro- 
duces Lapie's map. Navarreie searched the 
Spanish Archives for confirmation of this 
memoir. — a search not in vain, inasmuch as 
it led to the discovery of the documents with 
which he illustrated the history of Columbus ; 
and he also gave his view of the question in 



I. XV. of his CoUccion de doeumriitas inidiM 
the volume specially called Examen his- 
de loi Viagea y Descubrimienlas 
apicrifri del eapilan Lorento Ferrer Matdonade, 
de Juan de Fuca y del almirante Barlolomi dt 
FortU : memoria comentada for £>. M. F. de 
Nirsiarrete, y arreglada y etmcluida for D. 
EtutaqMio Femaitdex de JVavarrele. Bancroft 
calls it an elaboration of the voyage of the 
Sutil y Mixieana. (Cf. Arcana, Bibliographia 
de eibras attonimai, iSSz, no. 40S.) Goldson in 
his Memeir on the Slrailt ef Anion places con- 
fidence in the Maldonado memoir. Cf. Ban- 
croft {Nortktoett Coast, vol. t. p, 9:), who re- 
capitulates the story and cites the examiners 
of it, pro and con, and gives (p. 96) Maldonado's 
map of the strait. 

1 Vol. iii. p. 849. 

» On Cavendish's Pacific Explorations. See 
Vol. III., chap. ii. 

■ A fac-simlle of the sketch given in Jurien 
de la Graviire's Lis maritu du XV' el du XVfi 
siicle. 



DISCOVERIES ON THE PACIFIC COAST. 



457 



general concurrence, in the belief of some at least, that this passage must be identified with 
the strait which De Fuca claimed to have passed.^ 

With the close of the sixteenth century, the maps became numerous, and are mostly of 
the Mercator type. Such are thoseof Cornelius de Judxis in 1 589 and in 1 593,* the draughts 
of 1587 and 1589 included in the Ortelius of 1592,* the map of 1593 in the Historiarum tndi" 
carum libri XVI. of Maffeius,* and those of Plancius * and De Bry.® The type is varied 
a little in the 1592 globe of Molineaux, as already shown, and in the 1587 map of Myritius 
we have the Asiatic connection of the upper coast as before mentioned; but in the 
Ptolemy of 1597 the contour of Mercator is still essentially followed.' In this same 
year (1597) the earliest distinctively American atlas was published in the Descriptionis 
PtolemaiccB Augnuntum of Cornelius Wytfliet, of which an account is given in another 
place.* Fac-similes of the maps of the Gulf of California and of the New World 
are annexed, to indicate the full extent of geographical knowledge then current with the 
best cartographers. The Mercator type for the two Americas and the great Antarctic 
Continent common to most maps of this period are the distinguishing features of the new 
hemisphere. The same characteristics pertain also to the mappemondes in the original 
Dutch edition of Linschoten's ///Vi/r/inV?, published in two editions at Amsterdam in 1596,' 
in Miinster's Cosmographia, 1598, and in the Brescia edition (1598) of Ortelius. 



1 Greenhow in his Oregon contends for a 
certain basis of truth in De Fuca's story. Cf. 
Navarrete in the Coleccion de documentos iniditos^ 
vol. XV., and Bancroft (North Mexican States ^ 
vol. i. p. 146, and Northwest Coasts vol. i. pp. 
71-80), who pronounces it pure fiction, and in a 
long note gives the writers pro and con. 

* In his Spectdum Orbis Terra, Cf. Muller, 
(1872), no. 1,437, and Vol. IV. p. 97 of this His- 
tory. This map of 1593 gi^^s to the lake which 
empties into the Arctic Ocean the name " Coni- 
bas," — an application of the name that Bancroft 
{Northwest Coasts vol. i. p. 84) finds no earlier 
instance of than that in Wytfiiet in 1597. 

* Mapoteca Colombiana of Uricoechea, nos. 
16, 17, and 18. 

* Copy in Harvard College Library. Cf. 
Mapoteca Colombiana^ no. 19. 

^ The map of Plancius was first drafted — 
according to Blundeville — in 1 592, and is dated 
1594 in the Dutch Linschoten of 1596, where 
it was republished. It was re-engraved, but not 
credited to Plancius, in the Latin Linschoten 
of 1599. The English Linschoten of 1598 has 
a map, re-engraved from Ortelius, which is given 
in the Hakluyt of 1 589. 

® Mapoteca Colombiana^ nos. 20 and 21. 
Cf. this History, Vol. IV. p. 99. 

7 Cf. nos. 2, 28, 29, 32, 34, 35. This 1597 
edition of Ptolemy was issued at Cologne, 
under the editing of Jean Antonio Magini, 
a Paduan, bom in 1556. (Cf. Lelewel, Epilogue, 
219.) The maps showing America are, — 

No. 2. A folding map of the two spheres, 
drawn by Hieronymus Porro from the map 
which Rumoldus Mercator based on his father's 
work. 

Nos. 28 and 32. Asia, showing the opposite 
American shores. 
VOL. II. — 58. 



Nos. 34-35. America, of the Mercator 
type, but less accurate than Ortelius. There 
are copies of this edition in the library of the 
Massachusetts Historical Society, and in Mr. 
Brevoort*s collection. (Walckenaer, no. 2,257 ; 
Stevens, Nuggets^ no. 2,259; Graesse, vol. v. 
p. 502.) 

This same edition is sometimes found with 
the imprint of Amheim, and copies of this 
are in the Library of Congress and in the 
Carter-Brown Collection. (Cf. Carter-Brown, 
vol. i. no. 514; Graesse, v. 502.) • 

An edition in Italian, 1598 (with 1597 in the 
colophon), embodying the works of Magini 
and Porro, was published at Venice ; and there 
are copies of this in the Library of Congress 
and in the Philadelphia Library; also in the 
collections of J. Carson Brevoort, President 
White of Cornell University, and C. C. Bald- 
win, of Cleveland. 

The text of Ruscelli, edited by Rosaccio, 
was printed at Venice in 1599, giving three 
maps of the world and nine special American 
maps. There is a copy of this edition in the 
Carter-Brown Library, and one was sold in the 
Murphy sale (no. 2,077). The Magini text was 
again printed at Cologne in i6c8, and of this 
there are copies in the Harvard College and 
Carter-Brown libraries. 

8 Cf. Vol. IV. p. 369. 

• This and the other maps were repeated 
in the six Dutch editions, in the second and 
third French, and in the original Latin edition. 
The third Dutch edition, in three parts, is the 
rarest of the editions in that language ; the first 
part being without date, while the second and 
third are dated respxectively 1604 *nd 1605. 
The fourth Dutch edition is dated 1614, the 
fifth 1623 (a reprint of the 1614), the sixth 



458 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 




FROM WYTFUET, 1597.' 

In 1600 Metullus in bis America sive novus orbis, published at Cologne, simply fol- 
lowed Wytfliet.* From the map of Molineaux, likewise of t6oo, a sketch of the California 

1&44 (a reprint of the 1613). Cf. Tiele, Biblio- So. 8j, 86, 88, 90 ; Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 503, 
graphit IHT Iti joumattx dcs tiavigiiUurs, nos. vol. ii. no. 547; Stevens, Bibliothica historiia. 



• Bancroft {NBrth Mexican Sliiles, vol. i. p. 1 5;) sketches this map ; it is also in his Xorlhwest 
Caait, vol. i, p. 8z. 
^ Sabin. lii. 43,170. 



DISCOVERIES ON THE PACIFIC COAST. 




peninsula is given elsewhere." A contour of the coast more like thai of the Molineaux 
globe figured on a preceding page belongs to the map given in the Herrera of iCoi, but it 



i Mullet, Bonis on An 
[S8, 2,190; and 1877, i 



The English translation bv Wolfe (1598) 
i memioned in Vol. III. p. 206^ It was so rate 
1 183: that Rich priced It ai £&^s.; and yet 



460 



NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 



also introduces views which held to a much wider separation of the shores of the north 
Pacific than had been maintained by the school of M creator.^ 

An important voyage in both furthering and confusing the knowledge of the California 
coast was that of Sebastian Viscaino.^ This navigator, it is sometimes said, had been in 
a Manilla galleon which Cavendish had captured near Cape St. Lucas in 1587, when the 
English freebooter burned the vessel and landed her crew.' He is known to have had 
much opportunity for acquiring familiarity with the coast ; and in 1597 he had conducted 
an expedition to the coast of the California peninsula which had failed of success.^ 

In 1602 (May 5) he was again despatched from Acapulco with three vessels, for the 
same purpose of discovering some harbor up the coast which returning vessels from the 
Philippines could enter for safety or repairs, and of finding the mysterious strait which 
led to the Atlantic. He was absent ten months.^ He himself went up to 42°, but one of 



Crowninshield bought his copy in 1844 at a Bos- 
ton auction for $10.50. The Roxburgh copy had 
brought ;^io I5i-., and the Jadis copy the same. 
Smith, the London dealer, in 1874 advertised 
one for £^ ly. 6^/. The Menzies copy (no. 
1,254) brought $104. There was a copy sold 
in the Beckford sale, 1883, no. 1,813, ^"^^ ^^' 
other in the Murphy sale, no. 1.498. 

The first Latin edition, Navigatio ac Itine- 
rarium^ was printed in 1599, its first part being 
translated, with some omissions, from the Dutch, 
and the description of America being omitted 
from the second part. It was reissued with 
a new title in 1614, — an edition very rare ; but 
there are copies in the Lenox and Carter-Brown 
libraries. Cf. Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 542, 
vol. ii. no. 167; Leclerc, no. 360 — 150 francs; 
Murphy, no. 1,499 ; Tiele, no. 81 ; Muller, 1872, 
no. 2,196; 1877, nos. i390» i»89i ; and Rosen- 
thal (Munich, 1883) — 100 marks. 

The earliest French edition, Histoire de la 
Navigation^ etc., bears two different imprints 
of Amsterdam, 1610, though it is thought to 
have been printed by De Bry at Frankfort. A 
second is dated Amsterdam, 1619 (part i. 
being after the French edition of 1610, and 
parts ii. and iii. being translated from the 
Dutch). It has usually appended to it a Descrip- 
tion de tAmirique (Amsterdam, 161 9), pp. 88 
and map. America is also described in the 
Beschrymnge van verscheyde landen (Amsterdam, 
1619), included in the Saegman Collection 
(Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no. 1,024). A third 
French edition, " augment^e," but a reprint 
of the 1 61 9 edition, appeared at Amsterdam 
in 1638. Cf. Carter-Brown, vol. ii. nos. 104, 
105, 214, 454; Leclerc. 362 (1610 edition) — 130 
francs ; TrSmel, no. 58 ; Tiele, nos. 83, 87, 89 ; 
Muller (1872), no. 2,193 ('877), nos. 1,887, 1,888, 
1389 ; Field, Indian Bibliography^ no. 941 ; 
Leclerc, no. 2,845 ('638 edition) — 250 francs; 
Rich, 1832 (1638 edition), no. 219—;^! lor. ; 
Murphy, nos. 2,977, 2,978; Quaritch (1638 
edition) — £Z lox. 

There are copies of the editions of 1596, 
1598, and 1599 in Mr. Deane's collection. The 



Dutch editions are rarely in good condition; 
this is said to be on account of the general 
use made of them as sea-manuals. The Latin 
and German texts in De Bry are not much 
prized. (Camus, p. 189 ; Tiele, p. 90.) Sabin 
{Dictionary ^ vol. x. p. 375) gives the bibliography 
of Linschoten. His life is portrayed in Van 
Kampen's Levens van beroemde Nedtrlanders^ 
Haarlem, 1838-1840. He was with Barentz on 
his first and second Arctic voyages. Cf. Voyagie 
ofte Schipruaert by Noorden^ 1601 ; again, 1624; 
Tiele, no. 155; Murphy, no. 1,497; Muller, 
1872, no. 2,064, and 1877, no. 1,893. ^^* ^^Y* 
ages are included in Verscheyde Oost-Indische 
Voyagien^ Amsterdam, circa 1663. 

^ This Hcrrera map was reproduced in the 
1622 edition, and so late as 1723 in Torquemada, 
with a few changes. The Herrera of 160 1 has 
the following American maps : — 

Page 2. The two Americas. 

Page 7. The West India Islands. 

Page 21. The Audiencia of New Spain. 

Page 33. The Audiencia of Guatemala. 

Page 38. South America. 

Page 47. Audiencia of Quito. 

Page 63. The Chile coast. 

Jefferys, in his Northwest Passage^ gives a 
fac-simile of the American hemisphere. 

The Quad us map of 1600, showing the Cali- 
fornia peninsula, is sketched in Vol. IV. p. loi. 

The Japanese map, showing the west coast, 
which Kaempfer gave to Hans Sloane, and 
which figures so much in the controversy of 
the last century over the " mer de Touest/' is 
supposed to have been drawn between 1580 
and 1600. 

- Biscayer he is sometimes called. 

' Greenhow, Oregon and California^ 89 ; Ban- 
croft doubts Viscaino's presence (North Mexican 
States, i. 148). 

* Torquemada gives the chief information on 
this voyage. Bancroft (North Mexican States^ i. 
151) cites other writers. 

* Our knowledge of this expedition comes 
largely from the account of a Carmelite priest, 
Antonio de la Ascension, who accompanied it, 



DISCOVERIES ON THE PACIFIC COAST. 



461 



his vessels under Martin Aguilar proceeded to 43°, where he reported that he found the 
entrance of a river or strait, not far from Cape Blanco ; ^ and for a long period afterwards 
the entrance and Aguilar's name stood together on the maps.* Buache, in his Considerations 
g^ographiques et physiques, says that it was the reports brought back from this expedition, 
describing an easterly trend of the coast above the 43°, which gave rise to the notion that 
the waters of the Gulf of California found a passage to the ocean in two ways, making an 
island of the peninsula. The official recorder of the expedition (Ascension) is known to 
have held this view. We shall see how fixed this impression later became. 

Meanwhile the peninsular shape was still maintained in the map in Botero's Relaciones 
Universales del mundo, published at Valladolid in 1603; in the Spanish map of 1604, made 
at Florence by Mathieu Neron Pecciolen (engraved for Buache in 1754) ; in that of 
Cespedes' Regimiento de Navigacion (1606), and in that published in connection with 
Ferdinand de Quir's narrative in the Detectionis Freti (161'^) of Hudson's voyage.* 

A map of Jodocus Hondius of about this time first gave indication of the growing 
uncertainty which led finally to a prevailing error regarding the head of the gulf. The 
map was inscribed " Vera totius expeditionis nauticae Descriptio D. Franc. Draci," etc., 
and illustrated Hondius's edition of Drake §nd Cavendish's voyages, and has been repro- 
duced in the Hakluyt Society's edition of The World Encompassed. The gulf is 
made to divide about an island at its northern end, producing two arms whose prolonga- 
tion is left undecided. The circumpolar map of Hondius which appeared in Pontanus's 
Amsterdam in 161 1, and is given in fac-simile in Asher's Henry Hudson, shows the Straits 
of Anian, but nothing more. Another Hondius map in the Mercator of 1613 turns the 
coast easterly, where the Straits of Anian separate it from Asia. The same atlas of 161 3 
contains also the America of Michael Mercator, which is of the usual Gerard Mercator type, 
with the enclosed northern sea contracted to narrow limits and called ** Mare dulce." A 
similar western coast is drawn in the America of Johannes Oliva of Marseilles, preserved 
in the British Museum.* 

In Kasper van Baerle's edition of Herrera, published at Amsterdam in 1622, we get — 
as far as has been observed — the earliest* insularizingof the California peninsula, and this 
only by a narrow thread of water connecting a large gulf below and a smaller one above. 
And even this attempt was neutralized by a second map in the same book, in which these 
two gulfs were not made to mingle their waters. A bolder and less equivocal severing of 
the peninsula followed in the maps of two English geographers. The first of these is the 



and whose report, presented in the Biblioteca 
Nacional at Madrid, is printed in Pacheco's 
Coleccion de documentos, viii. 539. Torquemada 
used it, and so did Venegas in his N^oticia de la 
California (Madrid, 1757; English edition, Lon- 
don, 1759; French edition, Paris, 1767; Ger- 
man, 1769). Cf. on Venegas, Carter-Brown, vol. 
iii. nos. 1,172, 1,239, 1,601, 1,710 Field, Indian 
Bibliography, nos. 1,599,1,600; Bancroft, A^^rM 
Mexican States, i. 281. An abridged narrative 
from Lorenzana is given in the BoUtin of the 
Mexican Geographical Society, vol. v., 1857. 
Navarrete adds some other documents in his 
CoUccion, XV. Bancroft {North Mexican States, 
^- ^54-i55»^"d California, i. 98) enumerates other 
sources ; as does J. C. Brevoort in the Magazine 
of American History, \. 124. 

* Bancroft does not believe that he went be- 
yond the Oregon line (42°), and considers his 
Cape Blanco to be the modern St. George 
{History of California, i. 104; A'orthwest Coast, 
L 84). 



^ Bancroft; Mexico, iii. 3 ; California, \\. 97 ; 
Hortk Mexican States, i. 153. A sketch of Vis- 
caino's map from Cape Mendocino south is 
given in this History, Vol. IH. p. 75. The map 
was published, as reduced from the thirty-six 
original sheets by Navarrete, in the Atlas para 
el viage de las goletas Sittil y Mixicana al recono- 
cimiento del Estrecho de Juan de Fuca (1802). 
Cf. Navarrete, xv. ; Greenhow*s Northwest Coast 
( 1840), p. 131 ; Burney's Sotdh Sea Voyages ( 1806), 
vol. ii. (with the map) ; and Bancroft, North 
Mexican States, i. 156; California, i. 97, and 
Northwest Coast, i. loi, 146. 

' This is reproduced in Charton's Voyageurs, 
iv. 184, 185. 

* There is a draught of it in the Kohl Collec- 
tion. Cf. Catalogue of Manuscript Maps in the 
British Museum (1844), i. 33. . 

* Bancroft [Northruest Coast, i. loi ) refers to 
the suspicions of Father Ascension in 1603. of 
Ofiate in 160', and of Nicolas de Cardona in or 
about 161 7, that California was an island; but 



462 



NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 



map of Master Briggs.* In this the island stretches from 23° to 44**, showing Cape Blanco, 
with Cape Mendocino and " Po. S'. Francisco Draco" south of it, the latter in about 38°. 
The map bears the following legend : *' California, sometymes supposed to be part of y* 
Westerne continent ; but since by a Spanish charte taken by y* Hollanders it is found to 
be a goodly Ilande, the length of the west shoarc beeing about 500 leagues from Cape 
Mendocino to the south cape thereof called Cape St. Lucas, as appeareth both by that 
Spanish Chart, and by the relation of Francis Giiule [Gali], whereas in the ordinarie 
charts it is sett downe to be 1700 leagues."^ The other was that given in John Speeds 
Prospect^ which contains one of the maps of Abraham Goos of Amsterdam, ** described 
and enlarged by I. S. Ano. 1626." This carries up the outer coast of the island beyond 
the '* Po[rio] Sir Francisco Dr[ake] " and Cape Mendocino. The coast of the main 
opposite the northern end of the island ceases to be defined, and is continued northerly 
with a dotted line, while the western shore of Hudson's Bay is also left undetermined.^ 
De Laet, however, in 1630 still kept to the peninsula, placing ** Nova Albion*' above it.* 
In 1636 W. SaltonstalPs English translation of Hondius's Mercator presents an island, 
with the now somewhat common break in the main coast opposite its northern end. 
This gap is closed up, however, in another map in the same volume.* 

The map in Pierre D'Avity's Le Monde^ makes California a peninsula, with the river 
St. Lawrence rising close to it, and flowing very near also to Hudson's Bay in its easterly 
passage. 

The circumstantial story of Bartolem^ de Fonte, whose exploits are placed in 1640, at 
one time commanded a certain degree of confidence, and made strange work with the carto- 
graphical ideas of the upper part of the Pacific coast. It is now believed that the story 
was coined by James Petiver, one of the contributors to the Monthly Miscellaity^ or Memoirs 
for the Curious^ published in London in April and June, 1708, in which first appeared what 
purported to be a translation of a letter of a certain Admiral De Fonte.'' In this a Spanish 
navigator — whose name was possibly suggested by a veritable De Fonta who was exploring 
Tierra del Fuego in 1649 — was made to depart from Callao, April 3, 1640, and proceed up 
the coast to 53°, above which he navigated a net-work of interior waters, and encountered 
a ship from Boston which had entered these regions from the Atlantic side.* To this 



there was on their part no cartographical expres- 
sion of the idea. 

* In Purchas's Pilgrims^ iii. 853, in 1625. 
This map is sketched in Bancroft's North Mexi- 
can States, i. 169. 

^ This Spanish chart here referred to is not 
identified, though Delisle credits it — according 
tr> Bancroft (Northwest Coast, i. 103) — to Jann- 
son's Monde Maritime. If by this is meant 
Jannson's Orbis Maritimus, it was not till 1657 
that Jannson added this volume to his edition of 
the Mercator- f/ofidius Atlas. Carpenter's Geog- 
raphy (Oxford, 1625) repeats Purchas's story, and 
many have followed it since. In Heylin and 
Ogiiby, the story goes that some people on the 
coast in 1620 were carried in by the current, and 
found themselves in the gulf. The Spanish 
chart may have been the source of the map in 
the Amsterdam I/errcra of 1622. 

' Bancroft {Northwest Coast, i. 104) sketches 
a similar map which appeared in 1624 at Amster- 
dam in Inga's IVest Indische Spieghcl. MuUer, 
Books on America, 1872, no. 805 ; 1 877, no. 1,561. 

* It was repeated in later editions. Bancroft 
uses no earlier edition than that of 1633. The 
edition of 1625 did not contain the map of 1630. 



* In 1636 a report was made by the Spanish 
on the probable inter-oceanic communication by 
way of the Gulf of California. Cf. Documentos 
in^ditos, xv. 215; Bancroft, Northwest Coast, i. 
107. 

^ Paris, 1637, five volumes, folio. Bancroft 
gives his map in his Northwest Coast, i. 107. 

7 Arthur Dobbs reprinted it in his Countries 
adjoining to Hudson's Bay, in 1 744, — according 
to Bancroft. 

8 He is particular to describe this ship as 
owned by Major Gibbons, who was ori board, 
and as commanded by one Shapley. Major 
Edward Gibbons was a well-known merchant of 
Boston at this time, and the story seems first to 
have attracted the notice of the local antiquaries 
of that city, when Dr. Franklin brought it to the 
attention of Thomas Prince ; and upon Prince 
reporting to him evidence favorable to the exist- 
ence of such persons at fhit time, Franklin ad- 
dressed a letter to Dr. Prin/;lc, in which ne 
considers the story " an abridf;,Tnent and a trans- 
lation, and bad in both respsccs ; " and he adds, 
" If a fiction, it is plainly not an English one • 
but it has none of the featuz-es j£ fiction." (Cf 
Sabin's American Bilt'./}^ i//, Fcbruaiy, 187a 



DISCOVERIES ON THE PACIFIC COAST. 



463 



archipelago, as it seemed, he gave the name of St. Lazarus ; and to a river, leading from a 
lake with an island in it, he applied that of Velasco ; and these names, curiously, appear in 
the fanciful maps which were made by Delisle and Buache in elucidation of the voyage in 
which they expressed not a little faith, though the Spanish antiquaries early declared that 
their archives contained no record of the voyage.^ , 

The Dutch, under De Vries, in 1643 had pushed up from Japan, and discovered, as 
they thought, an island, ** Jesso," separated from land on the west by a water which they 
called the " Detroit de Vries," and on the American side by a channel which had an uncer- 
tain extension to the north, and might after all be the long-sought Straits of Anian.2 The 
idea of an interjacent land in the north Pacific between America and Asia is also said to 
have grown out of the report of a Portuguese navigator, Don Joao da Gama, who claimed 
to have seen such a land in sailing from China to New Spain. It long maintained a fleet- 
ing existence on the maps.' 



p. 65.) Dr. Snow examined it in his History 0/ 
Boston (p. 89), and expressed his disbelief in it. 
Caleb Cashing in the North American Review 
(January, 1839) expressed the opinion that the 
account was worthy of investigation ; which in- 
duced Mr. James Savage to examine it in detail, 
who in the same periodical (April, 1839, p. 559) 
set it at rest by at least negative proof, as well 
as by establishing an alibi for Gibbons at the 
date assigned. It may be remarked that among 
the English there was no general belief in a 
practicable western passage at this time, and 
the directors of the East India Company had 
given up the hope of it after Baffin's return in 
1616. 

1 It was very easy for the credulous to identify 
the Archipelago of St. Lazarus with the Char- 
lotte Islands. The map of Delisle and Buache, 
published in Paris in 1752 in Nouvelles Caries des 
Dicouvertes de l* Amiral de Fonte, endeavors to 
reconcile the voyages of De Fuca and De Fonte. 
The map is reproduced in Bancroft's Northwest 
Coasts i. 128. Under 45° there are two straits 
entering a huge inland "mer de Touest," the 
southerly of which is supposed to be the one 
found by Aguilar in 1603, and the northerly that of 
De Fuca in 1592. Under 60° is the St. Lazarus 
Archipelago, and thridding the adjacent main are 
the bays, straits, lakes, and rivers which connect 
the Pacific with Hudson's Bay. The next year 
(1753) Vaugondy, in some Observations critiques^ 
opposed Delisle's theory; and the opposing me- 
moirs were printed in Spanish, with a refutation 
of Delisle by Buriel, in Venegas' California^ in 
1757. Some years later the English geographer 
Jefferys attacked the problem in maps appended 
to Dragg's Great Probability of a Northwest Pas- 
sage^ which was printed in London in 1768. 
Jefferys made the connection with Baffin's* Bay, 
and bounded an island — in which he revived the 
old Chinese legend by calling it Fusang — by 
De Fuca's Straits on the south and De Fonte*s 
Archipelago on the north. Foster, in 1786, and 
Clavigcro, in 1798, repudiated the story ; but it 
appealed sufficiently to Burney to induce him to 
include it in his Chronological History of Voyages 



to the South Seas^ vol. iii. (1813). William Gold- 
son, in his Passage between the Atlantic and Paci- 
fic^ in two Memoirs on the Straits of A nian and the 
Discoveries of De Fonte (Portsmouth, England, 
1793). supposed that De Fonte got into the Great 
Slave Lake I Navarrete has examined the ques- 
tion in his Documentos iniditos^ xv., as he had 
done at less length in his Sutily Mixicana in 1802, 
expressing his disbelief ; and so does Bancroft in 
his Northwest Coast ^ i. 115, who cites additionally 
(p. 119) La Harpe, Abrigi cUs Voyages (1816), vol. 
xvi., and Lapie, Nouvelles Annates des Voyages 
( 1821 ), vol. xi., as believing the story. A " Chart 
for the better understanding of De Font's let- 
ter " appeared in An Account of a Voyage for 
the Discovery of a Northwest Passage, by Theo- 
dore Swaine Drage (clerk of the " California "), 
London, 1749, vol. ii. 

2 Recueil de Voyages au Nord^ Amsterdam, 
1732, vol. iv. ; Coxe's Discoveries of the Russians 
in the North Pacific , 1803. 

^ Sanson adopted it, and it is laid down in 
Van Loon's Zee Atlas 6i 1661, where, in the chart 
" Nova Granada en TEylandt California," it is 
marked as the thither shore of the Straits of 
Anian, and called ** Terra incognita," — and Van 
Loon had the best reputation of the hydrog- 
raphers of his day. The map published by 
Thevenot in 1663 also gives it. 

Nicolas Sanson died in 1667, and two years 
later (1669), his son Guillaume reissued his 
father's map, still with the island and the inter- 
jacent land, which in Blome's map, published in 
his Description (1670), and professedly following 
Sanson, is marked "Conibas." Later, in 1691, 
we have another Sanson map ; but though the 
straits still bound easterly the ** Terre de Jesso," 
they are without name, and open easterly into 
a limitless "mer glaciale." Hennepin at a later 
day put a special draught of it in the margin of 
his large map (1697), where it has something 
of continental proportions, stretching through 
forty degrees of longitude, north of the thirty 
eighth parallel ; and from Hennepin Campanius 
copied it (1702) in his Aya Swerige^ p. 10, as 
shown herewith (p. 464). 



464 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 

Two maps of Petnis Koerius, dated 1646, in Speed's Prospect (166S), indicate what 
variable moods geographers could assume in the same year. In one we have aa island and 
a determinate coast line running north to the straits ; in the other we have a peninstiln 
with two different trends o( the coast north of :t in haU-shading. We owe to an expatri- 
ated Englishman a more precise nomenclature for the western coast than we had had 
previous to the appearance of his maps in 1646; and the original manuscript drawings 
preserved at Munich are said by Dr. Hale to be richer still in names.' This is the 
Arcano del mare of Robert Dudley. He was born in Surrey in 1573, and whether the 
natural or legitimate son of the Earl of Leicester depends on the proof oE the secret 
marriage of that nobleman with Lady Sheffield. An adventurous spirit kept him away 
from the enjoyment of Kenilworth, which he inherited, and he was drawn nearer to the 
associations of the sea by marrying a sister of Cavendish. He was among the many 
Englishmen who tried their daring on the Spanish main. He married a second wife, a 
daughter of Sir Thomas Leigh, whom he abandoned, partly to be rid of a stepmother; 
and out of chagrin at his failure to secure the dukedom of Northumberland, which had 
been in abeyance since the execution of his grandfather, Lady Jane Grey's adherent, he 
sold Kenilworth to young Prince Henry, and left England in company with a daughter of 
Sir Robert Southwell. He now gave himself up to practical seamanship and the study 
of hydrography. The grand-duke of Tuscany gave him employment, and he drained 
a morass to enable Leghorn to become a t>eautiful city. Under authority of Ferdi- 
nand II., he assumed the title of Duke of Northumberland, which was recognized 



It is also delineated in 1700 in the map of in 172S. I 
the Dutchman, Lugtenberg. The idea was not this regioi 



it the Asiatic shore of 




TERRE DE lESSO. 



totally given up till Cook's map of his explora- ' Amtr. Aniiq. Soc. Proc., Ociol)er, 1873, 

tions in 1777-1778 appeared, which was the first and Memorial Hiitory of Beuan, i. ^9. Kohl's 

to give 10 the peninsula of Alaska and the Washington Collection has several draughts from 

Aleutian islands a delineation of approximate the charts at Munich. An earlier edition (1630) 

accuracy; and this was fifty years after Behrinf, of the Armne del Mare Is sometimes nientinned- 



DISCOVERIES ON THE PACIFIC COAST. 



465 




iTOL. U.— 59- 



466 



NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 



throughout the empire. He died in 1639.^ The Arcano has thirty-three American maps; 
but the Munich manuscript shows thirteen more. One of the Pacific coast, which records 
Drake's explorations, is annexed ; but with Dudley's text ^ there is another showing the 
coast from Cape Mendocino south, which puts under thirty degrees north a "golfo pro- 
fondo" of undefined inland limits, with " I di Cedros " oflf its mouth. The bay with the 
anchor and soundings just north of thirty degrees, called in the fac-simile " P*® di Nouova 
Albion," corresponding, it would seem, to San Francisco, is still seen in this other chart, 
with a more explicit inscription, — "Po: dell nuovo Albion scoperto dal' Drago (y* 
Inglese." 

In 1649, ^" Texeira's chart, there is laid down for the first time a sketch of the coast 
near the Straits of Anian, which is marked as seen by Joao da Gama, and extends easterly 
from Jesso, in the latitude of 50°. Gama's land lived for some time in the charts.' 

We have another of Speed's maps, five years later (165 1), which appears in the 1676 
edition of his Prospect^ in which that geographer is somewhat confused. He makes Cali- 
fornia an island, with a break in the coast line of the main opposite its northern extrem- 
ity, and its northwest point he calls " C. Mendocino," while "Pt. Sir Francisco Draco" is 
placed south of it ; but rather confusedly another Cape Mendocino projects from the main 
coast considerably further to the north.* A map of Visscher in 1652* reverts, however, 
to the anterior notions of Mercator ; but when in 1655 Wright, an Englishman, adopted 
Mercator's projection, and first made it really serviceable for navigation, in his Certain 
Errors in Navigation^ he gave an insular shape to California. 

The French geographer Nicolas Sanson^ introduced a new notion in 1656. Cali- 
fornia was made an island with ** P*° de Francisco Draco " on the west side, somewhat 
south of the northern cape of it. On the main the coast in the same latitude is made to 
form a projection to the north called " Agubela de Cato," without any extension of the 
shore farther northward. The map in Petavius's (Petau*s) History of the IVor/d (London, 
1659) carries the coast up, but leaves a gap opposite the northern end of the insular 
California. The atlas of Van Loon (1661) converts the gap into the Straits of Anian, and 
puts a " terra incognita " north of it. Danckerts of Amsterdam in the same year (1661), 
and Du Val in various maps of about this time make it an island. The map of 1663, 
which appeared in Heylin's Cosmographies gives the insular California, and a dotted line 
for the main coast northward, with three alternative directions. A map of the Sanson 
type is given in Blome's Description of the World, 1670. Ogilby*s map in 1671 makes it 
an island,* following Montanus's Nieuwe Weereld, 

Hennepin had in his 1683 map made California a peninsula, and in that of 1697 he still 
preserved the gulf -like character of the waters east of it ; but the same plate in the 1698 
edition is altered to make an island, as it still is in the edition of 1704. The French 
geographer Jaillot, in 1694, also conformed to the insular theory, as did Corolus AUard 
in his well-known Dutch atlas. Campanius, copying Hennepin, speaks of California as 



1 See Vols. III. and IV., index; George Ad- 
/ard's Amye Robsart and Leicester^ 1870 ; War- 
wickshire Historical CoiUctions ; Dugdale's IVar- 
wickshire^ p. 166. 

2 Vol. i. lib. ii. p. 19. The other maps are 
numbered xxxi., xxxii., and xxxiii. A second 
edition, " Corretta e accresciuta secondo 1' origi- 
nale des medesimo Duca, che si conserva nella 
libreria del Convento de Firenze dclla Pace," 
appeared at Florence in 1661. 

* Sanson put it in his atlas made in 1667 ; 
Delisle rejected it in 17 14; Bowen adhered to 
it in 1747. 

* It is worth while to note Virginia Farrer's 
map of Virginia, given in Vol. III. p. 465, for the 
fttranj!;e belief which with some people prevailed 



in England in 1651, that the Pacific coast was at 
the foot of the western slope of the Alleghanies, 
— a belief which was represented in 1625 by 
Master Briggs in Purchas (vol. iii. p. 852), where 
he speaks of the south sea " on the other side 
of the mountains beyond our falls, which open- 
eth a free and fair passage to China." 

5 ** Autore, N. I. Piscator." 

* Born 1600; died 1667. 

7 1669, and later editions. Bancroft [North' 
west Coast, i. 115) is led to believe that Heylin 
copied this map in 1701 from Hacke's Collec- 
tion of Voyages (1699), thirty years after he had 
published his own map in 1669. 

8 It is copied in Bancroft, Northwest Coast 
i. no. 



DISCOVERIES ON THE PACIFIC COAST. 467 

the largest island " which the Spaniards possess in America. From California the land 
extends itself [he says] to that part of Asia which is called Terra de Jesso, or Terra 
Esonis. The passage is only through the Straits of Anian, which hitherto has remained 
unknown, and therefore is not to be found in any map or chart," — all of which shows 
something of Campanius's unacquaintance with what had been surmised, at least, in 
cartography. All this while Blaeu in his maps was illustrating the dissolving geographi- 
cal opinions of his time. In 1659 ^^ ^^^ drawn California as an island ; in 1662 as a 
peninsula ; and once more, in 1670, as an island. Coronelli in 1680, and Franquelin in his 
great manuscript map of 1684 had both represented it as an island.^ 

In 1698 the English geographer Edward Wells, in his New Sett of Maps, showed 
a little commendable doubt in marking the inlet just north of the island as ^' the supposed 
Straits of Anian," — a caution which Delisle in 1700, with a hesitancy worthy of the 
careful hydrographer that he was destined to become, still further exemplified. While 
restoring California to its peninsular character, he indicated the possibility of its being 
otherwise by the unfinished limitations of the surrounding waters.^ Dampier in 1699, 
in chronicling the incidents of the voyage with which he was connected, made it an 
island.' 

In 1 701 one would have supposed the question of the insularity of California would 
have been helped at least by the explorations overland of Father Kino the Jesuit which 
were begun in 1698. His map, based rather upon shrewd conjecture than upon geo- 
graphical discovery, and showing the peninsular form of the land, was published in the 
Lettres Edifiantes^ vol. v., in 1705.* In 1705 the map in Harris's Collection of Voyages 
preserves the insular character of California.^ In 171 5 Delisle' expressed himself as 
undecided between the two theories respecting California,' but in 171 7 he gave the weight 
of his great name' to an imagined but indefinite great gulf north of the California 
peninsula, which held for a while a place in the geography of his time as the '* Mer de 
I'ouest." Homann, of Nuremberg, in 1719 marked the entrance of it, while he kept to the 
insular character of the land to the south ; as did Seutter in his Atlas Geographicus 
published at Augsburg in 1720. Daniel Coxe in his Carolana had a sufficient stock of 
credulity — if he was not a " liar," as Bancroft calls him • — in working up some wondrous 
stories of interior lakes emptying into the South Sea.^® In 1727 the English cartographer 
Moll converted the same inlet into the inevitable Straits of Anian. The maps in such 
popular books as Shelvocke's Voyages (1726) " and Anson's Voyages (1748), as did 

1 It is also an island in Coronelli's globe of E. L. Berthoud in the Kansas City Review 
1683. Cf. Marcou's Notes^ p. 5. (June, 1883), that a large area between the head 

2 Marcou*s Notes^ p. 5. of the gulf and the ocean, now below the sea 
' New Voyage round the World. The map level, was at one time covered with water, and 

is sketched in Bancroft's North Mexican States, that the island theory was in some way con- 

vol. i. p. 195 ; cf. his Northwest Coast, vol. i. pp. netted with this condition, which is believed to 

112, 119, for other data. have continued as recently as the sixteenth and 

* It was re-engraved in Paris in 1754 by the seventeenth centuries, 
geographer Buache, and later in the margin of ' This map is reproduced in Bancroft, iVbrM- 

a map of North America published by Sayer west Coast, vol. i. p. 114; as well as a map of 

of London. It is given in fac-simile in Jules Vander Aa (1707) on page 115. 
Marcou's paper on the first discoverers of Cali- ' Recueil des Voyages au Nord, vol. iii. p. 268. 

fornia, appended to the Annual Report of the ^ Bancroft cites Travers Twiss {Oregon 

Chief of Engineers, U. S. A., 1878, and is also Question, 1846) as quoting a map of Delisle in 

sketched in Bancroft's North Mexican States, 1722, making it a peninsula, 
vol. i. p. 499. Cf. his Northwest Coast, vol. i. ' Cf. Saint-Martin, Histoire de la giographie 

pp. 113, 115, 120, where it is shown that Kino p. 423. 

never convinced all his companions that the ® Northwest Coast, vol. i. p. 123. 

accepted island was in fact a peninsula. One '^ Cf. something of the sort in Dobbs's map 

of his associates, Luis Velarde (Documentos of 1744, given in Bancroft, iVi^rMw. CWm/, i. 123. 
para la historia de Mixico, ser. iv. vol. i. p. 344), ^^ Shelvocke says he accepted current views, 

opposed his views. The view is advanced by unable to decide himself. 



468 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 

sundry maps issued by Vander Aa of Amsterdam, still told the mass of readers of the 
island of California ; as had Bruzen la Martini^re in his Introduction d Vhistoire (1735), 
and Salmon (using Moll's map of 1736) in his History of America. 

Meanwhile, without knowing it because of the fogs, Behring, in 1728, had pushed 
through the straits now known by his name into the Arctic Seas, and had returned along 
the Asiatic shore in continued ignorance of his accomplishment. It was not till 1732 
that another Russian expedition was driven over to the Alaskan shore; and in 1738 and 
1 741 Behring proved the close proximity of the two continents, and made demonstration 
of their severance. 

At this time also the English were making renewed efforts from the side of Hudson's 
Bay to reach the Pacific ; and Arthur Dobbs, in his Countries adjoining to Hudson's Bay 
(1744), gives a variety of reasons for supposing a passage in that dircfction, showing pos- 
sible solutions of the problem in an accompanying map.^ 

The Spaniards, who were before long to be spurred on to other efforts by the reports 
of Russian expeditions, were reviving now, through the 1728 edition of Herrera, more 
confidence in the peninsular character of California ; though Mota Padilla in his Nueva 
Galicia^ in 1742, still thought it an island. 

The French map-maker Bellin, in his cartographical illustrations for Charlevoix in 
1743, also fell into the new belief; as did Consag the Jesuit, in a map which he made 

in 1746.^ 

The leading English geographer Bowen in 1747 was advocating the same view, and 
defining the more northerly parts as " undiscovered." In 1748 Henry Ellis published his 
Voyage to Hudson'' s Bay^ — made in 1 746-1 747, and mentions a story that a high or low 
tide made California an island or a peninsula, and was inclined to believe in a practicable 
northwest passage.' In 1750 Robert de Vaugondy, while preserving the peninsula, made 
a westerly entrance to the north of it, which he marks as the discovery of Martin d'Aguilar. 
The lingering suspicion of the northerly connection of the California Gulf with the ocean 
had now nearly vanished ; and the peninsula which had been an island under Cortes, then 
for near a century connected with the main, and then again for more than a century in many 
minds an island again, was at last defined in its proper geographical relations.* 

The coast line long remained, however, shadowy in the higher latitudes. Buriel, in 
his editorial notes to Venegas's California^ in 1757, confessed that nothing was known. 
The French geographers, the younger Delisle and Buache,* published at this time various 
solutions of the problem of straits and interior seas, associated with the claims of Mal- 
donado, De Fuca, and De Fonte ; and others were found to adopt, while others rejected, 
some of their very fanciful reconciling of conflicting and visionary evidences, in which the 
** Mer de Touest " holds a conspicuous position.* The English map-maker Jefferys at- 

1 Reproduced in Bancroft, Northwest Coasts Buache lived from 1700 to 1773. Other carto- 

vol. i. p. 123. graphical solutions of the same data are found in 

' It is in the Kohl Collection, and is sketched William Doyle's Account of the British Domin- 

in Bancroft's North Mexican States, vol. i. p. ions beyond the Atlantic (London, 1770), and in 

463; Northwest Coasts vol. i. pp. 125, 126. the Mimoires sur la situation des pays septentrio- 

* Bancroft {Northwest Coasts vol. i. pp. 126, nauxy by Samuel fingel, published at Lausanne 
129) thinks his book more complete than any in 1765. Engel's maps were repeated in a Ger- 
earlicr one on the subject. As late as 1755 "^^" translation of his book published in 1772, 
Hermann Moll, the English cartographer, kept and in his Extraits raisonis des Voyages faits dans 
the island in his map. les parties septentrioncdes de PAsie et de VAmi' 

* Bancroft {Northwest Coasts vol.i. pp. 127, rique, also published at Lausanne in 1779. 

128) thinks that a theory, started in 1751 by Cap- « Buache's *'Mer de I'ouest*' was re-en- 
tain Salvador, and reasserted in 1774 by Captain graved in J. B. Laborde's Mer du Sud (Paris, 
Anza, that the Colorado sent off a branch which 1791), as well as a map of Maldonado's explo- 
found its way to the sea above the peninsula, rations. Cf. Samuel Engel's Extraits raisones 
was the last flicker of the belief in the insularity des Voyages faits dans les parties septentrionales 
of California. (Lausanne, 1765 and 1779), and Dobbs *s North- 

* Delisle was bom in 1688 and died in 1747 ; west Pass.ige (1754). 



DISCOVERIES ON THE PACIFIC COAST. 469 

the same epoch (1753) was far less complex in his supposition, and confined himself to a 
single " river which connects with Lake Winnepeg.'' A map of 1760, " par les S" Sanson, 
rectifi^ par S' Robert," also indicates a like westerly entrance ; and JefFerys again in 1762, 
while he grows a little more determinate in coast lines, more explicitly fixes the passage 
as one that Juan de Fuca had entered in 1592.^ The Atlas Moderne^ which was published 
at Paris, also in 1762, in more than one map, the work of Janvier, still clung to the 
varieties presented by Delisle ten years before, and which Delisle himself the next year 
(1763) again brought forward. In 1768 Jefferys made a map^ to illustrate the De Fonte 
narrative ; but after 1775 he made several studies of the coast, and among other services 
reproduced the map which the Russian Academy had published, and which was a some- 
what cautious draught of bits of the coast line here and there, indicating different landfalls, 
with a dotted connection between them.' One of Jefferys's own maps (1775) carries the 
coast north with indications of entrances, but without attempting to connect them with 
any interior water-sheds. Going north from New Albion we then find on his map the 
passage of D*Aguilar in 1603 ; then that of De Fuca, ** where in 1592 he pretends he went 
through to the North Sea ; " then the " Fousang" coast, visited by the Spaniards in 1774; 
then Delisle's landfall in 1741 ; Behring*s the same year ; while the coast stops at Mount 
St. Elias. In his 1776 map Jefferys gives another scheme. " Alaschka" is now an island 
athwart the water, dividing America from Asia, with Behring's Straits at its western end ; 
while the American main is made up of what was seen by Spangenberg in 1728, with a 
general northeasterly trend higher up, laid down according to the Japanese reports. The 
Spaniards were also at this time pushing up among the islands beyond the Oregon coast. ^ 
In 1774 Don Juan Perez went to Nootka Sound, as is supposed, and called it San Lorenzo.* 
In 1775 another Spanish expedition discovered the Columbia River.' Janvier in 1782 
published a map ' still perpetuating the great sea of the west, which Buache and others had 
delineated thirty years before. The English in 1776 transferred their endeavors from 
Hudson's Bay to the Pacific coast, and Captain James Cook was despatched to strike the 
coast in the latitude of Drake's New Albion, and proceed north in search of a passage east- 
ward.' Carver the traveller had already, in 1 766-1768, got certain notions of the coast from 
Indian stories, as he heard them in the interior, and embodied them with current beliefs 
in a map of his own, which made a part of his Travels through the interior parts of North 
America^ published in 1778. In this he fixed the name of Oregon for the supposed great 
river of the west, which remained in the end attached to the region which it was believed 

1 Jefferys also published at this time (2d * There is in the department of State at Wash- 
ed, in 1764) Voyages from Asia to America^ ington a volume of copies from manuscripts 
for completing the discoveries of the Northwest in the hydrographic office at Madrid, attested 
Coasty with summary of voyages of the Russians by Navarrete, and probably procured by Green- 
in the Frozen sea^ tr. from the high Dutch of S. how at the time of the Oregon question. It is 
Muller [should be G. F. Muller], with 3 maps : called Viages de los Espaholes a la costa norveste 
(i) Part of fapanese map [this is sketched in de la America en los anos de lyj ^-177 ^-i'j'j<^i\7^ 
Bancroft, Northwest Coast, i. p. 130]. (2) Delisle y 1790. My attention was drawn to them by 
and Buache* s fictitious map. (3) New Discoveries Theodore F. D wight, Esq., of that department. 
of Russians and French. ' The details of this and subsequent explo- 

Muller's book was also published in French rations are given with references in Bancroft's 

at Amsterdam in 1766. Cf. also William Coxe*s Northwest Coast, vol. i. p. 151 et seq. Such 

Account of the Russian discoveries between Asia voyages will be only briefly indicated in the rest 

and America (2d ed. rev.), London, 1780, and of the present paper. 

later editions in 1787 and 1803; also, see Robert- 8 Malaspina with a Spanish Commission in 

son's -/^w^rxra, note 43. I79i» and later Galiano and Vald^s, explored 

^ Sketched in Bancroft, Northwest Coast, the coast, and their results were published in 

vol. i. p. 131. 1802. Cf. Navarrete, Sutil y Afexicana. 

• Bancroft {Northwest Coast, vol. i. p. 124) ^ It is sketched by Bancroft, A'iv/yiw^'x/ CVvtj/, 

gives a Russian map of 1741, which he says vol. i. p. 135. 

he copied from the original in the Russian ^ Bancroft [Northwest Coast, v\\. i. p. 169) 

archives. reproduces a part of his map. 



47© NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 

to water' In 1786 the Frenchman LaP^rousewason the coast.^ In 1789 the English and 

Spanish meeting on the coast, the English commander was seiied. This action led to a 
diplomatic fence, tlie result of which was the surrender of Nootka to the Eagtish. 

Meanwhile a Boston ship, the " Columbia," commanded by Captain Kendrick, in com- 
pany with the " Washington " (Captain Gray) , was on a voyage, which was the first Amer- 
ican attempt to sail around the globe.' They entered and named the Columbia River ; and 
meeting Vancouver, the intelligence was communicated to him. When the English com- 
mander occupied Nootka, the last vestige of uncertainty regarding the salient features of 
the coast may be said to have disappeared under his surveys. Before they were published, 
George Foster issued in 1791 his map of the northwest coast, in which the Straits of Juan 
de Fuca were placed below 40°, by which Captain Gray is supposed to have entered, on 
his way to an open sea, coming out again in 55°, through what we now know as the Dixon 
entrance, to the north of Queen Charlotte's Island; the American navigator having 
threaded, as was supposed, a great northern archipelago. Vancouver's own map finally 
cleared the remaining confusion, and the migratory Straits of Juan de Fuca were at last 
fixed as the channel south of Vancouver's Island which led to Puget Sound.* 



NOTES. 

Mercatok's Projection. — It was no new parallel, as in E F and G H, ihe point 1 Is 

thing to convert the spherical represenlation moved to 3, which is in a different direction 

of the earth into a plane on the cylindrical from l, in the parallel of latitude, I J. If the 

line of direction froni 1 to Z is prolonged till 

t AC & it strikes the perpendicular meridian G H at 

4. the original direction is preserved, and the 
parallel K L can then be moved to become 
M N; thus prolonging Ihe distance from 1 to 

5, and from 6 to 4, to counteract the effect on 
direction by perpendicul arizing the meridians. 
To do this accurately involved a law which 
could be applicable 10 all parallels and meri- 
dians ; and that law Mercator seems only to 
have reached approximately. But the idea 

Bf H D ""ce conveyed, it was seized by Edward Wright 

in England in 1590. who evolved Ihe law, and 

principle, for it had been done in the fourteenth published it with a map, the first engraved on 

century ; but no one had devised any method by the new sj-stem, in his Cirlain Errors a/Kavi- 

which it could be used for a sea.chart, since the galim, London, 1 $99- Mead, in his Cimilruclion 

paialteliiing of the meridians altered the direc- 0/ Maps (1717), eiamined all previous s>-atems 

tion of point from point. Mercator seems to of projections ; but contended that Varenius 

have reasoned out a plan in this wise : A B in Latin, and hjs follower Newton in English, 

and C D are two meridians drawing together had not done the subject justice. There have 

as they approach the pole. If they are made been some national controversies over the 

1 Bancroft (f^nrlkvtit Catlt. vol. i. p. 133) reproduces his map. 

* Bancroft (Ihtd., i. 176) reproduces a part of his map. 

» Cf. Mimsrial History ef Bailen, vol. iv, p. loS ; Historical Magatint, vol. xviii. p, 155 ; Harfer's 
Ataga^Ht, December, 18S1 ; Bulfinch, Oregtr< and EI Dorade. p. 3. The report on (he claims of the hdra 
of Kendridi and Gray, for allowance for tht rights established by them for the U. S. Government, is printed 
in the Histariial Magaunt, Sqjtember, 1870. A medal struck on occasion of this royage is engraved in Bul- 
finch. Cf. also Amtricax Jsurnal of NumismatUs. vi. 33, 63; vii. 7: Coin-Collntors Journal, vL ^b; 
Magaiini ofAmtrican History, v. 140. The fullest account yet given of this expedition is in Baneroft'i 
Nortk-wtsi Coast, i. 1S5 tt sii}. He had the help of a journal kept on one of the ships. 

* Bancroft's Narthvnst Coast, vol. i., must be consulted for these later and for sutoequeut exploring airf 
trading voyages. 





/\ 


'*'' M 




/ \'' 






lA 




-7 




i 



DISCOVERIES ON THE PACIFIC COAST. 



471 



claims of the German Mercator and the Eng- 
lish Wright; but D'Ayezac.in his " Coup d'CEil 
bistorique sur la projection des cartes de g^o- 
graphie," printed in the Bulletin de la Sociiti de 
Giographie^ 1863 (also separately), defends Mer- 
cator's claims to be considered the originator 
of the projection; and he (pp. 283-285) gives ref- 
erences to writers on the subject, who are also 
noted in Van Raemdonck*s Mercator ^ p. 120. 

The claim which Van Raemdonck had made 
in his Girard Mercator ^ sa vie et ses otuvres, — 
that the great geographer was a Fleming, — was 
controverted by Dr. Breusing in his Gerhard 
Kremery gen. Mercator^ der Deutsche Geo- 
graph, 1869, and in an article (supposed to be 
his) in the Mittheilungen aus Justus Perthes 
Geographischer Anstalty 1869, vol. xi. p. 438, 
where the German birth of MerCfitor is con- 
tended for. To this Van Raemdonck replied in 
his Girard de Cremer, ou Mercator, Giographe 
Flamand, published at St. Nicholas in 1870. 
The controversy rose from the project, in 1869, 
to erect a monument to Mercator at Duisburg. 
Cf. also Bertrand in the Journal des Savants* 
February, 1870. 

Ortelius. — Ortelius was born in 1 527, and 
died in 1598, aged seventy-one years. He was 
a rich man, and had visited England in his 
researches. Stevens says in his Bibliotheca his- 
torica p. 133 : "A thorough study of Ortelius 
is of the last importance. . . . He was a bibli- 
ographer, a cartographer, and an antiquary, as 
well as a good mathematician and geographer; 
and what is of infinite importance to us now, 
he gave his authorities.'* Cf. also " La G^ne- 
alogie du Geographe Abraham Ortelius," by 
Genard in tlie Bulletin de la Sociiti Giographique 
d' A truer s, v. 315 ; and Felix Van Hulst's Life of 
Ortelius, second edition, Liege, 1846, with a por- 
trait, which can also be found in the 1580, 1584, 
and perhaps other editions of his own Theatrum. 
There is also a brief notice, by M. de Macedo, of 
his geographical works in Annates des Voyages^ 
vol. ii. pp. 184-192. Thomassy (Les Papes gio- 
graphes, p. 65) has pointed out how Ortelius fell 
into some errors, from ignorance of Ruscelli*s 
maps, in the 1561 edition of Ptolemy. The en- 
graver of his early editions was Francis Hagen. 
berg, and of his later ones, Ferdinand Orsenius 
and Ambroise Orsenius. He prefixed to his 
book a list of the authorities, from whose labors 
he had constructed his own maps. It is a most 
useful list for the students of the map-making 
of the sixteenth century. It has not a single 
Spanish title, which indicates Low closely the 
Council for the Indies had kept their archives 
from the unofficial cartographers. The titles 
given are wholly of the sixteenth century, not 
many anterior to 1 528, and mostly of the latter 
half of the century, indeed after 1560; and 



they are about one hundred and fifty in all 
The list includes some maps which Ortelius had 
not seen; and some, to which in his text he 
refers, are not included in the list. There are 
some maps among them of which modern in> 
quiry has found no trace. Stevens, in unearth- 
ing Walter Lud, turned to the list and found 
him there as Gualterus Ludovicus. (See ante, 
p. 162). 

Ortelius supplied some titles which he had 
omitted, — including some earlier than 1528, — 
as well as added others produced in the interval, 
when, in 1592, he republished the list in its 
revised state. Lelewel has arranged the names 
in a classified way in his Giographie du moyen 
dge, vol. ii. pp. 185, 210, and on p. 217 has given * 
us an account of the work of Ortelius. Cf. also 
Lelewel, vol. v. p. 214; Sabin, vol. xiv. p. 61. 

The original edition of the Theatrum was 
issued at Antwerp, in Latin, and had fifty-three 
maps; it was again published the same year 
with some changes. There are copies in Mr. 
Brevoort's, Jules Marcou's collections, and in the 
Carter-Brown, Harvard College, and Astor Ii 
braries. Stevens, in his illustrated Bibliotheca 
geographica, no. 2,077, gives a fac-simile of the 
title. Cf. also Huth Catalogue, vol. iii. p. 1068 ; 
Carter-Brown Catalogue^ vol. i. no. 278; and 
Muller, Books on America (1877), no. 2,380. 

The third Latin edition appeared the next 
year (1571) at Antwerp, with the same maps, as 
did the first edition with Dutch text, likewise 
with the same maps. Stevens, Bibliotheca his- 
torica, no. 1,473, thinks the Dutch is the original 
text. 

To these several editions a supplement or 
additamentum, with eighteen new maps (none, 
however, relating to America), was added in 
1573. Sabin*s Dictionary; Brockhaus, Ameri- 
cana ( 1861 ), no. 28. Muller, Books on America 
(1877), no. 2,381. 

The same year (1573, though the colophon 
reads " Antorff, 1572 " ) the first German edition 
appeared, but in Roman type, and with a some- 
what rough linguistic flavor. It had sixty-n'ne 
maps, and included the map of America. 
Koehler, of Leipsic, priced a copy in 1883 at 
100 marks. The Latin (Antwerp) edition of 
this year (1573), "nova editio aliquot iconibus 
aucta," seems also to have the same peculiarity 
of an earlier year fi572) in the colophon. Huth 
Catalogue, vol. iii. p. 1068). Copies of all these 
editions seem to vary in the number of the 
maps. (Library of Congress Catalogue ; Carter^ 
Brown Catalogue, and the catalogues of Quaritch, 
Weigel, and others.) In 1574 some of the 
Antwerp issues have a French text, with maps 
corresponding to the German edition. 

There are copies of the 1575 edition in the 
libraries of Congress, Harvard College, and the 
Boston Athenaeum ; and the four maps of interest 



472 



NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA, 



in American cartography may be described from 
the Harvard College copy. They are reproduc- 
tions of the maps of the 1 570 edition. 

a. Mappemonde. North America has a per- 
fected outline much as in the Mercator map, 
with ** Anian regnum " at the northwest. North 
America is marked, as by Wytfliet, " America 
sive India nova;" but the geography of the 
Arctic and northeastern parts is quite different 
from Wytfliet. Groclant and Groenland have 
another relative position, and take a general 
trend east and west; while in Wytfliet it is 
north and south. Northern Labrador is called 
Estotilant ; while Frisland and Drogeo, islands 
to the south and east of it, are other reminders 
of the Zeni chart. This same map was reissued 
in the 1 584 edition ; and again, new cut, with 
a few changes, and dated 1587, it reappeared 
in the i $97 edition. 

d. The two Americas. Anian and Quivira 
are on the northwest coast of North America. 
Tolm and Tototeac are northeast of the Gulf 
of California, and mark the region where the 
St. Lawrence rises, flowing, without lakes, to 
the gulf, with Terra Corterealis on the north 
and Norumbega on the south. Estotilant is 
apparently north of Hudson's Straits, and off 
its point is Icaria (another Zeni locality), with 
Frislant south of it. Newfoundland is cut into 
two large islands, with Baccalaos, a small island 
off its eastern coast. South America has the 
false projection (from Mercator) on its south- 
western coast in place of Ruscelli's uncertain 
limits at that point. This projecting coast 
continued for some time to disfigure the outline 
of that continent in the maps. This map also 
reappeared in the 1 584 edition. 

c. Scandia, or the Scandinavian regions, and 
the North Atlantic show Greenland, Grodant, 
Island, Frisland, Drogeo, and Estotilant on a 
large scale, but in much the same relation to 
one another as in the map a. East of Green- 
land, and separated from it by a strait, is a 
circumpolar land which has these words : 
"Pygmei hie habitant." The general disposi- 
tion of the parts of this map resembles Merca- 
tor's, and it was several times repeated, as 
in the editions of Ortelius of 1584 and 1592; 
and it was re-engraved in Miinster*s Cosmo- 
graphia of 1595, and in the Cologne-Arnheim 
Ptolemy of 1597. 

d. Indiae orientalis. It shows Japan, an 
island midway in a sea separating Mangi (Asia) 
on the west from " Americas sive Indie occi- 
dentalis pars " on the east. This map also 
reappeared in the 1584 edition, and may be 
compared with those of the Wytfliet series. 

In 1577 an epitome of Ortelius by Heyn, 
with a Dutch text and seventy-two maps, 
appeared at Antwerp. 



In 1580 the German text, entirely rewritten, 
appeared at Antorff, with a portrait of Ortelius 
and twenty-four new maps (constituting the 
third supplement), with a new general map of 
America. Among the new maps was one of 
New Spain, dated 1579, containing, it is reck- 
oned, about a thousand names ; another showing 
Florida, Northern Mexico, and the West India 
Islands ; and a third on one sheet showing 
Peru, Florida, and Guastecan Regio. 

The Latin edition of 1584, with a further 
increase of maps, is in Harvard College Library. 
In 1587 there was a French text issued, the 
mappemonde of which is reproduced in Vivien 
de St. Martin's Histoire de la giographie. 
This text in the 1588 edition is called " revue, 
corrige et augment^e pour la troisi^me fois." 
This French text is wholly independent of, and 
not a translation of, the Latin and German. 
The maps are at this time usually ninety-four in 
number. In 1 589 there was Marchetti's edition 
at Brescia and a Latin one at Antwerp. In 
1 591 there was a fresh supplement of twenty-one 
maps. In 1592 the Antwerp edition was the 
last one superintended by Ortelius himself. 
The map of the New World was re -engraved, 
and the maps number in full copies two hundred 
and one, usually colored; there is a copy in 
Harvard College Library. In 1593 there was 
an Italian text, and other Latin editions in 
1595 and 1596, a copy of the last being in 
Harvard College Library. This completes the 
story of the popularity of Ortelius down to 
the publication of Wytfliet, when American 
cartography obtained its special exponent. 

A few later editions may mark the continued 
popularity of the work of Ortelius, and of those 
who followed upon his path: — 

// theatre del mondo^ Brescia (1598), one hun- 
dred maps, of which three are American. 

A French text at Antwerp (1598), with one 
hundred and nineteen maps, including the same 
American maps as in the 1587 edition, except 
that of the world and of America at large. 

Peeter Heyn*s Miroir du monde^ Amsterdam 
(1598), with eighty woodcut maps, — an epitome 
of Ortelius. 

After Ortelius's death, the first Latin edition 
in 1601, at Antwerp (iii maps), had his final 
corrections; other issues followed in 1603, 1609 
(115 maps), 1612, 1624, with an epitome by Crig- 
nct in 1602 (123 maps); and an epitome in 
English in 1610. An Italian text by Pigafetta 
appeared in 161.'? and 1697. 

Lelewel {Giographie du moyen dge^voV ii. pp. 
181, 185, and Epilogue, p. 214) has somewhat 
carefully examined the intricate subject of the 
make-up of editions of Ortelius ; but the truth 
probably is, that there was much independent 
grouping of particular copies which obscures 
the bibliography. 



CHAPTER VII. 

EARLY EXPLORATIONS OF NEW MEXICO. 

BY HENRY W. HAYNES. 
Archceological Institttte of America, 

\ T the time of the Spanish conquest of Mexico there were living, some 
•^^ fifteen hundred miles to the north of the city so named, in the upper 
valley of the Rio del Norte, and upon some of the eastern affluents of the 
Colorado of the West, certain native tribes, who had attained to a degree 
of culture superior to that of any people in North America, with the excep- 
tion of the semi-civilized Aztec and Maya races. These were the Seden- 
tary or Pueblo Indians, — village communities dwelling together in large 
buildings constructed of stone or adobe, — whose home lay principally 
within the present limits of New Mexico and Arizona, although extending 
somewhat into southwestern Colorado and southeastern Utah. The first 
rumors of the existence of this people which had reached the ears of the 
Spaniards grew out of a tale told to Nuflo de Guzman in 1530, when 
he was at the head of the Royal Audience then governing New Spain.^ 
He had an Indian slave, called by the Spaniards Tejos, who represented 
himself to be a son of a trader in feathers, such as were used by the natives 
for head-dresses. Tejos said that it was his father's habit to travel about, 
exchanging his wares for silver and gold, which were abundant in certain 
regions. Once or twice he had accompanied his father on these journeys, 
and then he had seen cities large enough to be compared with Mexico. 
They were seven in number, and entire streets in them were occupied by 
jewellers. To reach them it was necessary to travel northward forty days' 
journey through a desert region lying between the two seas. 

Guzman placed confidence in this narrative ; and collecting a force ol 
four hundred Spaniards and twenty thousand Indians, he set out from 
Mexico in search of this country. It was believed to be only about six 
hundred miles distant, and already the name of The Land of the Seven 
Cities had been given to it. There were also other strange stories current, 
that had been told to Cortes a few years before, about a region called Cigu- 
atan, lying somewhere in the north, near to which was an island inhabited 

' Relation de Castaheda, in Ternaux-Compans, Voyages^ etc., ix. i. 
VOL. II. — 60. 



474 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 

solely by Amazons. In this, also, there was said to be gold in abundance ; 
and it was quite as much the hope of finding the Island of the Amazons, 
with its gold, that inspired Guzman's expedition, as of gaining access to the 
treasures of The Seven Cities. But on his march confirmatory reports 
about these cities kept reaching him ; and eventually the expedition suc- 
ceeded in penetrating to Ciguatan, and even as far within the province of 
Culiacan, the extreme limit of Spanish discovery, as to Colombo. Never- 
theless, they did not find the Island of the Amazons, and The Seven Cities 
kept receding farther toward the north.^ Meanwhile one of his captains 
made a reconnoissance some seventy leagues in an easterly direction with- 
out any satisfactory result. At last, the difficulties of an advance through 
a wild country and amid pathless mountains brought the expedition to a 
halt, which soon dampened the ardor of the soldiers, who grew clamorous 
to return to Mexico. But in the mean time news had reached Guzman 
that Cort6s was once more there, clothed with new titles and authority, and 
he did not dare to brave the anger which his hostile proceedings during 
Cortes' absence were sure to have provoked. Accordingly he retraced his 
steps no farther than to Compostella and Guadalaxara, where he remained, 
and established the colonies from which was formed the province known 
afterwards as New Gallicia.^ Not long after, he was deposed from his 
authority as governor of this province by direct commands from Spain ; 
and Antonio de Mendoza, who had now been created Viceroy of New 
Spain, appointed Francisco Vasquez de Coronado to the vacant post. 

Meanwhile the Indian Tejos had died, and the mysterious Seven Cities 
would have remained only a name, if the interest in them had not been 
revived by a remarkable occurrence. This was the arrival in the province 
of Culiacan, in 1536, of Antonio Nuflez Cabeza de Vaca, with three com- 
panions. They were the sole survivors of the numerous company who 
had followed Pamphilo de Narvaez, in 1527, to the shores of Florida. 
During nine years of almost incredible perils and hardships, after trav- 
ersing in their wanderings all the great unknown region lying north of 
the Gulf of Mexico, they had at last reached the shores of the southern 
sea. They brought back accounts of having fallen in with civilized peoples, 
dwelling in permanent habitations, where were " populous towns with very 
large houses." ^ The story of their strange adventures is told elsewhere in 
more detail,* so that here it suffices to put on record simply that they were 
the first Europeans to tread the soil of New Mexico. As soon as they 
reached Mexico, the intelligence of their discoveries was communicated to 
the Viceroy Mendoza, by whom it was at once transmitted to Coronado, 
the new governor of New Gallicia. He was a gentleman of good family, 
from Salamanca, but long established in Mexico, where he had married a 

^ Segundd rdacion de NuHo de Guzman^ in * [See a«/^, p. 391. — Ed.] 

Icazbalceta, Coll. de Docs,^ ii. 303; Quarta rela- * Relacion de Cabeza de Vaca^ translated by 

cion, in Ibid., p. 475; Garcia de Lopez* Rela- Buckingham Smith (chap. xxxi. p. 167). 
cion, in Pacheco's Coll. Doc. ItUd.y torn. xiv. pp. * [See ante, p. 243 in Dr. J. G. Shea's chaptei 

455-460. on " Ancient Florida." — Ed.] 



EARLY EXPLORATIONS OF NEW MEXICO. 475 

daughter of Alonzo d'Estrada, former governor of that place, who was 
generally believed to be a natural son of Ferdinand the Catholic. Coronado 
at this time was occupied in travelling through New Spain ; but he repaired 
immediately to his province to investigate the reports, taking with him one 
of Cabeza de Vaca's companions, a negro named Stephen, and also three 
Franciscan monks, missionaries to the natives. After a brief interval a 
proposition was made to one of these monks, Fray Marcos de Nizza (of 
Nice), to undertake a preliminary exploration of the country. He was 
selected for this task on account of his character and attainments, and be- 
cause of the experience he had acquired in Peru, under Alvarado. Elabo- 
rate instructions were sent to him by the Viceroy, which seem inspired by a 
spirit of humanity as well as intelligence.^ He was told that the expedition 
was to be undertaken for the spread of the holy Catholic faith, and that he 
must exhort the Spaniards to treat the natives with kindness, and threaten 
them with the Viceroy's displeasure if this command should be disobeyed. 
The natives were to be informed of the Emperor's indignation at the cruel- 
ties that had been inflicted upon them, and to be assured that they should 
no longer be enslaved or removed from their homes. He was ordered to 
take the negro Stephen as his guide, and cautioned against giving any 
ground of offence to the natives. He was to take special note of their 
numbers and manner of life, and whether they were at peace or war among 
themselves. He was also to observe particularly the nature of the country, 
the fertility of the soil, and the character of its products ; to learn what wild 
animals were to be found there, and whether there were any rivers, great or 
small. He was to search for precious stones and metals, and if possible to 
bring back specimens of them ; and to make inquiry whether the natives 
had any knowledge of a neighboring sea. If he should succeed in reach- 
ing the southern sea, he was to leave an account of his discoveries buried at 
the foot of some conspicuous tree marked with a cross, and to do the same 
thing at the mouths of all rivers, so that any future maritime expedition 
might be instructed to be on the lookout for such a sign. Especially was 
he ordered to send back constant reports as to the route he had taken, and 
how he was received ; and if he should discover any great city, he was to 
return immediately to give private information about it. Finally, he was 
told to take possession of the new country in the name of the Emperor, and 
to make the natives understand that they must submit themselves to him. 

In accordance with these instructions, Fray Marcos set out from S. Miguel 
de Culiacan on the 7th of March, 1 539, with Fray Honoratus for a companion, 
and the negro Stephen for a guide. The monks were not greatly pleased 
with this man, on account of his avaricious and sensual nature ; but they 
hoped to reap some benefit from his ability to communicate with the natives, 
several of whom, who had been brought away from their homes by Cabeza 
de Vaca, but who had been redeemed and set free by the Viceroy, also 
accompanied the party. There was, besides, a much larger company of 

^ Ternaux-Compans, ix. 249. 



476 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 

natives from the neighboring regions, who were induced to join the expe- 
dition on account of the favorable representations made to them by those 
whom the Viceroy had freed. 

Fray Marcos, upon his return, made a formal report of all his doings ; ^ and 
to this we must look for the first definite information in regard to the early 
exploration and history of the region with which we are npw concerned, 
since Cabeza de Vaca's narrative is too confused to furnish any sure indi- 
cations of locality, and he has even been charged by Castafleda with 
** representing things very differently from what he had found them in 
reality." ^ The monk relates how they reached Petatlan, after having met 
with great kindness from the natives on their way ; and while resting there 
for three days Fray Honoratus fell ill, and was obliged to be left behind. 
He himself continued his journey for some thirty leagues, still finding the 
natives most friendly, and even willing to share with him their supply of 
food, although it was but scanty, owing to no rain having fallen for three 
years. On his way he was met by some inhabitants of the island, which 
had previously been visited by Cortes, by whom he was assured that it was 
indeed an island, and not a continent as some had supposed. Still other 
people came to visit him from a larger island, but more distant, who informed 
him that there were still thirty islands more, but that they were only poorly 
supplied with food.^ These Indians wore shells suspended from their necks, 
like those in which pearls are found ; and when a pearl was shown to them, 
they said they had an abundance of them, although the friar admits that 
he himself did not see any. After this his route lay for four days through 
a desert, during which he was accompanied by the Indians from the 
islands and the inhabitants of the villages through which he had passed. 
Finally he came to a people who were astonished to see him, as they had 
no intercourse with the people on the other side of the desert, and had no 
knowledge whatsoever of Europeans. Nevertheless, they received him kindly, 
and supplied him with food, and endeavored to touch his garments, calling 
him " a man sent from heaven." In return, he endeavored, as best he 
might by means of interpreters, to teach them about ** God in heaven, and 
his Majesty upon earth." Upon being asked if they knew of any country 
more populous and civilized than their own, they replied that four or five 
days' journey into the interior, in a great plain at the foot of the mountains, 
there were many large cities, inhabited by a people who wore garments 
made of cotton. When specimens of different metals were shown to them, 
they selected the gold, and said that this people had their common dishes 
made of this material, and wore balls of it suspended from their ears and 
noses, and even used " thin plates of it to scrape off their sweat." How- 
ever, as this plain was quite remote from the sea, and as it was his purpose 

^ A relation of the Rev. FrUr Marco de Nica * CastaReda, Relation^ p. 9. 

touching his discovery of the kingdom of Cevola or • [See ante, p. 431, " Discoveries on the Pa- 

Cibola in Hakluyt's Voyages, etc., iii. 438 (edition cific Coast of North America," for the explor» 

of 1810). tions up that coast by Cortes. — Ed.] 



EARLY EXPLORATIONS OF NEW MEXICO. 477 

never to be far away from it during his journeyings, the monk decided to 
defer the exploration of this country until his return. 

Meanwhile Fray Marcos continued to travel for three days through the 
territories of the same tribe, until he arrived at a town of moderate size, 
called Vacapa, situated in a fertile region about forty leagues from the 
sea.^ Here he rested for several days, while three exploring parties were 
despatched to the coast with directions to bring back some of the natives 
dwelling there as well as upon the neighboring islands, in order that he 
might obtain more definite information about those regions. The negro 
was ordered to advance in a northerly direction fifty or sixty leagues, and 
to send back a report of what he should discover. In four days* time a 
messenger came from him bringing news of " a country the finest in the 
world ; " and with him came an Indian, who professed to have visited it, 
and who reported that it was a thirty days' journey from the place where 
Stephen then was to the first city of this province. The name of this 
province was Cibola,^ and it contained seven great cities, all under the 
rule of one lord. The houses were built of stone and Hme ; some of them 
were three stories high, and had their doorways ornamented with tur- 
quoises, of which there was an abundance in that country; beyond this, 
there were still other provinces all greater than that of The Seven Cities. 
This tale was all the more readily credited by the monk, as the man 
appeared to be ** of good understanding." Nevertheless, he deferred his 
departure until the exploring parties should return from the coast. After 
a short time they came back, bringing with them some of the dwellers 
upon the coast and on two of the islands, who reported that there were 
thirty-four islands in all, near to one another; but that all, as well as the 
main land, were deficient in food supplies. They said that the islanders 
htid intercourse with each other by means of rafts, and that the coast 
stretched due north. On the same day there came to Vacapa, to visit the 
monk, three Indians who had their faces, hands, and breasts painted. They 
said that they dwelt in the eastern country, in the neighborhood of Cibola, 
and they confirmed all the reports in regard to it. 

As fresh messengers had now come from Stephen, urging the monk to 
hasten his departure, he sent the natives of the coast back to their homes 
and resumed his journey, taking with him two of the islanders — who 
begged to accompany him for several days — and the painted Indians. 
In three days* time he arrived among the people who had given the 
negro his information about Cibola. They confirmed all that had been 
said about it ; and they also told about three other great kingdoms, called 
Marata, Acus, and Totonteac. They said they were in the habit of going 
to these countries to labor in the fields, and that they received in payment 
turquoises and skins of cattle. All the people there wore turquoises in 

^ Mr. A. F. Bandelier puts this place " in " This word was borrowed by the Spaniards 

southern Arizona, somewhat west from Tucson." from the native languages, and applied by them 

Historical Introduction to Studies among the Sed- to the Bison. [As early as 1542 Rotz drew pic- 

tntary Indians of N'ew Mexico^ p. 8. tures of this animal on his maps. — Ed.| 



478 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 

their ears and noses, and were clad in long cotton robes reaching to their 
feet, with a girdle of turquoises around the waist. Over these cotton 
garments they wore mantles made of skins, which were considered to be 
the clothing best suited to the country. They gave the monk several of 
these skins, which were said to come from Cibola, and which proved to 
be as well dressed and tanned as those prepared by the most highly civil- 
ized people. The people here treated him with very great kindness, 
and brought the sick to him to be healed, and endeavored to touch his 
garments as he recited the Gospels over them. The next day he con- 
tinued his journey, still attended by the painted Indians, and arrived at 
another village, where the same scenes were repeated. He was told that 
Stephen had gone on four or five days' journey, accompanied by many of 
the natives, and that he had left word for Fray Marcos to hasten forward. 
As this appeared to be the finest country he had found thus far, he pro- 
ceeded to erect two crosses, and to take formal possession of it in the name 
of the Emperor, in accordance with his instructions. He then continued on 
his journey for five days more, passing through one village after another, 
everywhere treated with great kindness, and receiving presents of turquoises 
and of skins, until at last he was told that he was on the point of coming 
to a desert region. To cross this would be five days' march ; but he was 
assured that provisions would be transported for him, and places provided 
in which he could sleep. This all turned out as had been promised, and 
he then reached a populous valley, where the people all wore turquoises in 
greater profusion than ever, and talked about Cibola as familiarly as did 
the Spaniards about Mexico or Quito. They said that in it all the pro- 
ducts of civilization could be procured, and they explained the method by 
which the houses were constructed of several stories. 

Up to this point the coast had continued to run due north ; but heft, 
in the latitude of 35°, Fray Marcos found, from personal examination, that 
it began to trend westward. For five days he journeyed through this fertile 
and well-watered valley, finding villages in it at every half-league, when 
there met him a native of Cibola, who had fled hither from the governor of 
that place. He was a man advanced in years, and of good appearance and 
capacity; and from him were obtained even more definite and detailed 
accounts of Cibola and the neighboring kingdoms, their condition and 
mode of government ; and he begged to be allowed to return home in the 
friar's company, in order to obtain pardon through his intercession. The 
monk pursued his way for three days more through this rich and populous 
valley, when he was informed that soon another desert stretch, fifteen long 
days' march in extent, would begin. Accordingly, as he had now travelled 
one hundred and twelve leagues from the place where he had first learned 
of this new country, he determined to rest here a short time. He was told 
that Stephen had taken along with him more than three hundred men as 
his escort, and to carry provisions across the desert ; and he was advised 
to do likewise, as the natives all expected to return laden with riches. But 



EARLY EXPLORATIONS OF NEW MEXICO. 479 

Fray Marcos declined ; and selecting only thirty of the principal men, and 
the necessary porters, he entered upon the desert in the month of May, and 
travelled for twelve days, finding at all the halting-places the cabins which 
had been occupied by Stephen and other travellers. Of a sudden an Indian 
came in sight, covered with dust and sweat, with grief and terror stamped 
upon his countenance. He had been one of Stephen's party, and was the 
son of one of the chiefs who were escorting the friar. This was the tale he 
told : On the day before Stephen's arrival at Cibola, according to his cus- 
tom, he sent forward messengers to announce his approach. These carried 
his staff of office, made of a gourd, to which was attached a string of bells 
and two feathers, one white and one red, which signified that he had come 
with peaceful intentions and to heal the sick. But when this was delivered 
to the governor, he angrily dashed it to the ground, saying he knew the stran- 
gers, and forbade their entering the city, upon pain of death. This message 
was brought back to Stephen, who nevertheless continued on, but was pre- 
vented from entering the city. He was conducted to a large house outside 
the walls, where everything was taken from him ; and the whole party passed 
the night without food or drink. The following morning, while the narrator 
had gone to the river which flowed near by, to quench his thirst, suddenly 
he saw Stephen in full flight, pursued by the people of Cibola, who were 
slaying all of his companions ; whereupon he hid himself under the bank, 
and finally succeeded in escaping across the desert. When they heard this 
pitiful story, the Indians began to wail, and the monk to tremble for his own 
life ; but he says he was troubled still more at the thought of not being 
able to bring back information about this important country. Nevertheless, 
he proceeded to cut the cords of some of his packages, from which he had 
as yet given nothing away, and to distribute all the contents among the 
chief men, bidding them fear nothing, but continue on with him still farther ; 
which they did, until they came within a day's journey of Cibola. Here 
there met them two more of Stephen's Indian companions, still bleeding from 
their wounds, who told the same story about his death and the destruction of 
his company, supposing that they alone had escaped, by hiding themselves 
under the heaps of those who had been slain by flights of arrows.^ 

The monk goes on to relate that he tried to comfort the weeping natives, 
by telling them that God would punish the people of Cibola, and the Em- 

^ CastaHeda, however, relates the drcum- nation that wished to subjugate them. More- 
stances of Stephen's death somewhat differently, over, the negro had the assurance to demand 
stating that the negro and his party, on their arri- from them their property and their women ; upon 
val at Cibola, were shut up in a house outside which they resolved to put him to death, with- 
the city, while for three days the chiefs continued out, however, harming any of those with him, 
to question him about the object of his coming, all of whom, with the exception of a few boys. 
When told that he was a messenger from two were sent back, to the number of sixty. {Rela- 
white men, who had been sent by a powerful tion, p. 12.) This latter statement, as well as 
prince to instruct them in heavenly things, they that in relation to the libidinous practices of the 
would not believe that a black man could possi- negro, are confirmed by Coronado. Relation ; 
bly have come from a land of white men, and Hakluyt's Collection of Voyages (Principall Navi' 
they suspected him of being the spy of some gaticns)^ iii. 454. 



480 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 

peror would send an army to chastise them ; but they refused to believe him, 
saying no power could resist that of Cibola. He thereupon distributed 
everything he had left among them to appease them, and endeavored to 
persuade some of them to go nearer the city, in order to make sure of the 
fate of the party; and upon their refusal, he said that he should at all events 
endeavor to obtain a sight of Cibola. Seeing his determination, two of the 
chiefs consented to accompany him ; and they came to a hill, from which 
they could look down upon the city. It is situated in a plain, he says, and 
seemed to be handsomer and more important than any city he had yet seen, 
and even larger than Mexico. The houses were built of stone, and were 
of several stories, as the natives had told him, and with flat roofs ; and upon 
his expressing his admiration of it, his companions said that it was the 
smallest of The Seven Cities, and that Totonteac, one of the neighboring 
towns, was still larger and finer. With the help of th6 Indians he proceeded 
to raise a great pile of stones, upon which he planted a cross as large as he 
was able to make, and in the name of the Viceroy and Governor of New 
Spain, on behalf of the Emperor, he took possession of the Land of the Seven 
Cities, and the realms of Totonteac, Acus, and Marata ; and to the whole 
country he gave the name of the New Kingdom of St. Francis. Upon 
retracing his steps across the desert, he failed to receive as friendly a recep- 
tion as before, for all the people were in tears for the loss of their murdered 
relatives ; so that he became alarmed, and hastened through the valley so 
rapidly that in three days* time he had crossed the second desert. From 
this point he made a detour in the direction of the country lying to the 
East, about which he had been told on his first coming. Without venturing 
to penetrate into it, he contented himself with observing the approaches, 
when he found seven small villages in a verdant valley, but in the distance 
he could see the smoke of a fine city. He was informed that the country 
was very rich in gold, but that the inhabitants refused all intercourse with 
strangers. Nevertheless, he planted two more crosses here, and took formal 
possession of the country. From this point he retraced his steps as speedily 
as possible to Compostella, where he rejoined Coronado, and sent imme- 
diate notice of his return to the Viceroy. 

While Fray Marcos had been absent upon his journey, Coronado had 
himself been occupied in searching for a province lying somewhere to the 
north of his own dominions, called Topira. After a toilsome march 
through a mountain region this was reached, and proved to be entirely 
different from what it had been reported ; and he had just returned from 
this fruitless expedition, when the monk arrived. So glowing were the 
accounts he gave of what he had himself seen and what the natives had 
told him, as well as of the wealth to be found in the islands of the southern 
seas, that Coronado determined to take the monk at once with himself to 
Mexico and lay the matter before the Viceroy. There, on the 2d of Septem- 
ber, 1539, according to the notaries' attest, Fray Marcos presented a report in 
writing to Mendoza, by whom it was transmitted to the Emperor Charles V., 



EARLY EXPLORATIONS OF NEW MEXICO. 



481 









accompanied by a letter from himself containing a brief narrative of the 
previous attempts that had been made for the exploration of the country.^ 
In a very short time 
Coronado began to pro- 
claim openly what hith- 
erto he had only 
whispered in strictest 
confidence to his most 
intimate friends, — that 
the marvellous Seven 
Cities had been discov- 
ered which Nufto de 
Guzman had sought for 
in vain; and he pro- 
ceeded forthwith to 
make preparations and 
to collect a military force 
for their conquest. 
Meanwhile the Francis- 
cans chose Fray Marcos for their general ; and soon all the pulpits of that 
Order were resounding to such good purpose, that before long an army of 
three hundred Spaniards and eight hundred Indians of New Spain had been 
collected. So many gentlemen of noble birth volunteered for this service 
that the Viceroy was much embarrassed in selecting officers ; but at last he 
decided upon the principal ones, and appointed Coronado, as was only his 
due, general-in-chief Compostella, the capital of New Gallicia, was named 
as the place of rendezvous for the army ; and in the mean time Hernando 
Alarcon received instructions to sail along the coast of the southern sea in 
order to accompany the march of the expedition. He was directed to trans- 
port the heavy stores and to keep up communications by means of the rivers 
that empty into it. This part of the plan, however, failed of success, as 
Coronado's line of march soon led him to a distance from the coast.^ 

In the last days of February, 1 540, the Viceroy himself came to Com- 
postella, and from there he accompanied the army for two days on its 



AUTOGRAPH OF CORONADO. 



1 Temaux-Compans, ix. 283, 290. 

2 Alarcon set sail on the 9th of May, 1540, and 
by penetrating to the upper extremity of the Gulf 
of California, proved that California was not an 
island, as had been supposed. He made two 
attempts to ascend the Colorado in boats, and 
planted a cross at the highest point he reached, 
burying at its foot a writing, which, as will be 
seen, was subsequently found by Melchior Diaz. 
His report of this voyage, containing valuable 
information in regard to the natives, can be 
found in Hakluyt, Voyages, iii. 505 (ed. 1810) ; 
translated from Ramusio, Navigaiioni, iii. 363 
<ed. 1565). There is a French translation in 

VOL. II. — 61. 



Temaux-Compans, ix. 299. This information 
about California is supplemented by the narrative 
of the voyage made two years later by Juan 
Rodriguez Cabrillo along the Pacific shore of 
the peninsula, and up the northwest coast prob- 
ably as far as the southern border of Oregon. 
It was printed in Buckingham Smith's Coleccion^ 
p. 173; and subsequently in Pacheco's Z?<vi/»i«i- 
tos in^dHos, torn. xiv. p. 165. A translation by 
Mr. R. S. Evans, with valuable notes by Mr. 
H. W. Henshaw, is given in vol. vii. (Archae- 
ology) of United States Geological Survey west of 
the one hundredth Meridian. [See also the pres- 
ent volume, p. 443. — Ed.] 



482 



NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 



march. But soon the difficulties of the route began to tell upon the inex* 
perienced cavaliers, who were obliged each to carry his own provisions and 
baggage, so that when they had reached Chiametla, they were compelled 
to halt for several days in order to procure a supply of food. In doing 
this a collision with the natives occurred, in which one of the superior 
officers was slain ; and in revenge, all who were believed to be inhabitants 
of the village where it happened were hanged. Soon after this, dissatis- 
faction began to manifest itself among the troops, which was heightened 
by the discouraging reports which were spread on the return of Melchior 
Diaz and his party, whom Coronado had sent by Mendoza*s orders on 
a reconnoitring expedition during his own absence in Mexico. They had 
penetrated two hundred leagues beyond Culiacan, as far as the edge of the 
desert, and they gave very different accounts from those of Fray Marcos. 
Very few inhabitants were seen, except in two or three little villages of 
some thirty huts, and everywhere was a great scarcity of provisions ; while 
the mountainous nature of the country rendered it almost impassable.^ 
The friar, however, strove to encourage their drooping spirits, promising 
them that they should not return empty handed ; and the march was con- 
tinued to Culiacan, where the expedition was received with great hospi- 
tality by the Spanish colonists. Here Coronado left the main body of the 
army under the command of Tristan d* Arellano, with orders to follow him 
in a fortnight, while he himself set out on the 22d of April, 1540, with 
fifty horse and a few foot-soldiers and the monks who did not choose to 
be left behind. In somewhat more than a month's time he came to the last 
inhabited place on the borders of the desert, having everywhere met with 
a friendly reception from the natives. At an intervening village, in the 
valley which Cabeza de Vaca had called Corazones, he had halted, and 
despatched messengers to the sea-coast, which was five days' journey 
distant, and learned that a vessel had been seen passing by. The place 
which he had now reached bore the name of Chichilticalli, or The Red 
House, and it proved to be something very different from what Fray 
Marcos had reported. Instead of a populous town at a distance of five 
leagues from the sea, he found merely a single ruinous, roofless struc- 
ture, at least ten days* journey from the coast. Nevertheless, it bore 
the appearance of having once been a fortified work which had been con- 
structed out of red earth by a civilized people, but had been destroyed 
in former times by some barbarous enemy .^ Here Coronado entered upon 
the desert, and proceeding in a northeasterly direction he came in a fort- 



^ Extracts from a report sent back by Mel- 
chior Diaz while on this journey are given in a 
letter from Mendoza to the Emperor Charles 
Vt dated April 17, 1540, in Tcrnaux-Compans, 
ix. 290. 

^ Chichiltic-calli, or Red House, is generally 
supposed to be the ruined structure, called 
Casa Grande^ in southern Arizona, near Flor- 



ence, a little south of the river Gila, and not far 
from the Southern Pacific Railroad. But Mr. 
A. F. Bandelier, after a thorough topographical 
exploration of the regions, is inclined to place 
it considerably to the southeast of this point, 
upon the river Arivaypa, in the vicinity of Fort 
Grant. [This question is further examined in 
Vol. I. of the present History. — Ed.I 



EARLY EXPLORATIONS OF NEW MEXICO. 



483 



night's time to a river, to which the name of the Vermejo was given, 
on account of its turbid waters. This was only eight leagues distant 
from Cibola, where they arrived on the following day, sometime early in 
July, having only escaped by the general's prudence from falling into an 
ambuscade of hostile natives.^ 

Cibola turned out to be even a greater disappointment than the Red 
House, and many were the maledictions showered upon the monk by the 
soldiers. Instead of the great city which he had reported, it proved to be 
only a little village of not more than two hundred inhabitants, situated 
upon a rocky eminence, and difficult of access.^ From its resemblance in 
situation, Coronado gave the name of Granada to the village ; and he states 
that the name Cibola properly belonged to the whole district containing 
seven towns, and not to any particular place. As the natives continued to 
manifest a hostile disposition, and the army was almost famished from lack 
of food, it was resolved to attempt to carry it at once by assault, in order 
to get at the abundance of provisions stored there. But the inhabitants 
made such a stout resistance with missiles and showers of stones, that it 
would have gone hard with the Spaniards if it had not been for the pro- 
tection of their armor. As it was, Coronado himself was twice felled to the 
earth, and his life was only saved by the devotion of one of his officers, 
who shielded him with his own body. However, in less than an hour's 
time the place was captured, though several of the horses of the Span- 
iards were killed, and a few of the assailants wounded. But when once pos- 
session of this strong point was secured, the whole district was speedily 
reduced to submission. 

Here Coronado awaited the arrival of the main body of his army before 
attempting to penetrate farther into the country; and from this place he 
transmitted to the Viceroy, under date of Aug. 3, 1540, a report of what he 
had already accomplished, in which his disappointment about the char- 
acter of the region through which he had journeyed was very plainly ex- 
pressed, as well as his entire disbelief in the truth of the reports which 
Fray Marcos had brought back respecting the rich and powerful kingdoms 
lying at a distance. He shows that he had discovered the inherent defect 
of the country by laying particular stress upon the " great want of pas- 
ture;" and says that he had learned that "what the Indians worship is 



1 Jaramillo has given a very full itinerary of 
this march, describing with great particularity 
the nature of the country and the streams crossed 
(Ternaux-Compans, ix. 365-369). When the 
results of the latest explorations of Mr. A. F. 
Bandelier in this region are published by the 
Archaeological Institute of America, there is 
good reason to hope for an exact identification 
of most if not all these localities, which at pres- 
ent is impossible. There can be little doubt, 
however, that the Vermejo is the Colorado 
Chiquito. 



^ In the Proceedings of the American Anti- 
quarian Society for October, 188 1, I have given 
in detail the reasons for identifying Cibola with 
the region of the present Zuiii pueblos. Mr. 
Frank H. Cushing has made the important dis- 
covery that this tribe has preserved the tradition 
of the coming of Fray Marcos, and of the 
killing of the negro Stephen, whom they call 
** the black Mexican," at the ruined pueblo 
called Quaquima. They claim also to have a 
tradition of the visit of Coronado, and even of 
Cabeza de Vaca. 



484 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 

water, for it causeth their corn to grow arid maintaineth their life." ^ With 
this despatch he sent specimens of the garments worn by the natives and 
of their weapons, and also "two cloths painted with the beasts of the 
country ; " he also reports that the natives possessed a certain amount of 
gold and silver, but that he could not discover whence they procured it. 

While waiting at Cibola the arrival of the main body of the army, 
Coronado sent out a small party under Pedro de Tobar to explore a prov- 
ince lying some twenty leagues or more to the northwest, called Tusayan,* 
where there were said to be seven cities, with houses built like those of 
Cibola, and inhabited by a warlike people. Tobar succeeded in approach- 
ing close to the first of these without being observed, as the natives now 
seldom ventured far from their houses on account of the fear inspired by 
the rumors spread abroad that Cibola had been captured by a fierce people 
mounted upon animals that devoured human flesh. However, as soon as 
the Spaniards were discovered, the natives showed a bold front, advancing 
to meet them in good order, and well armed. Drawing a line in the sand, 
they forbade the Spaniards crossing it, and wounded the horse of a soldier 
who ventured to leap over it; whereupon a friar named Juan de Padilla, 
who had been a soldier in his youth, urged the captain to make an onslaught 
upon them, and the natives were soon put to flight and many of them 
slain. In a short time all this province gave in its submission, and peace- 
able relations were once more established. The natives brought as gifts 
to the Spaniards turquoises, tanned skins, maize, and other provisions, 
and especially cotton stuffs, which were regarded by them as the choicest 
present, since it did not grow in their own country. They also gave infor- 
mation about a large river lying farther, to the west, on whose banks, at 
some days' journey down the stream, there dwelt a race of very large men. 
Tobar returned to Cibola with this report, and Coronado immediately 
despatched a second exploring party to verify it, under Garcfa Lopez de 
Cardenas. These were well received on their way by the people of 
Tusayan, who supplied them with guides and provisions for the journey. 
For twenty days their march lay through a desert, at the end of which they 
came to the banks of a river which seemed to them to be elevated " three 
or four leagues in the air." So steep were these banks that it was impossible 
to descend to the water, which appeared so far away as to seem to be 
only an arm's-length in width, and yet their guides assured them that it 
was over half a league broad. Although it was summer time, it was quite 
cold, and the country was covered with a growth of stunted pines. For 
three days they followed the bank in search of a passage ; and some volun- 
teers who made the attempt returned with the report that they had only 
been able to accomplish a third of the descent, and that rocks which had 
seemed scarcely as high as a man, were found to be loftier than the towers 

^ Coronado*s relation as given in English in * Tusayan can be clearly identified as the site 

Hakluyt, Collection of Voyages^ etc., iii. 453 (re- of the present Moqui villages. Bandelier, His- 
print, London, 18 10). tifrical Introduction ^^. 15. 



EARLY EXPLORATIONS OF NEW MEXICO. 



485 




KAHTE 

uCOHONAOOa EXPEDITION 

CIBOLA. »d QUIVIHA. 



CORONADO's EXPEDITION.' 



1 The map given in Rugc's Das Ziii. 
Enldtciungen.Yi. 417. With slight c 
this is as accuiate as our present information per- 
mits. Melchior Diaz penetrated farther north. 



and crossed the Colorado. Tiguex should be 
placed west of the Rio Grande, between Acoma 
and QuircK. The Rio '■ Sangra " is probably a 
mistake for " Sonora." 



486 



NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 



of Seville Cathedral. For three or four days more they continued on; but 
at length they were forced to return by want of water, which they had been 
obliged to seek for every night a league or two back from the river, and 
retraced their steps to Cibola.^ 

In the mean time the main body of the army, which had been left at 
Culiacan under the command of Tristan d'Arellano, with orders to follow 
Coronado in a fortnight, set out, and slowly advancing reached at length 
Cabeza de Vaca's province of Corazones. Here it was thought best to 
attempt to establish a colony; but owing to the difficulty of procuring 
a sufficient supply of food, it was subsequently transferred to the spot 
in the valley of the river which is now called Sonora. From here Don 
Roderigo Maldonado was despatched down the river in the hope of finding 
Alarcon's vessels. He returned without having accomplished his purpose, 
but brought back with him a native of huge stature, and reported that a 
nation of still larger men dwelt farther down the coast. The whole army 
now transferred itself across the river to the new colony, and there waited 
for further orders from Coronado. 

About the middle of September, 1540,'"^ Melchior Diaz and Juan 
Gallegos arrived from Cibola with instructions for the army to proceed 
thither at once. Gallegos continued on to Mexico, carrying to the Viceroy 
an account of the discoveries ; and with him went Fray Marcos, who dared 
not remain any longer with the army, so incensed were they with him for 
his gross misrepresentations. Diaz was ordered to remain at the new 
colony in the capacity of governor, and to seek to put himself in com- 
munication with Alarcon's vessels. Immediately the army took up its 
march for Cibola, but Arellano remained behind. As soon as they had 
departed, Diaz set out to explore the sea-coast, leaving Diego d'Alcarraz 
in command in his stead, who turned out to be very poorly fitted to 
exercise authority, so that disorders and mutinies broke out. Diaz him- 
self, after marching one hundred and fifty leagues in a southwesterly 
direction (as Castaneda reports),^ struck the Tizon at some distance from 
its mouth, at a place where it was at least half a league wide. Here 
he found a race of huge men dwelling together in large numbers in under- 
ground cabins roofed with straw, from whom he learned that the vessels 
had been seen three days' march down the stream. Upon reaching the 
spot indicated, which the natives told him was fifteen leagues from its 
mouth, he came upon a tree with an inscription upon it, and buried under 
it he found a writing stating that Alarcon had come so far,^ and after 



1 It is plain that this river was the Colorado ; 
the description of the Grand Cafion cannot fail 
to be recognized. Bandelier, Historical Intro- 
duction^ p. 15. The name by which it was called 
was the Tizon, the Spanish word for " fire- 
brand," which the natives dwelling upon its 
banks were reported to be in the habit of carry- 
ing upon their winter journeyings. Castaneda, 
p. 50. 



2 Castafieda, Relation^ p. 48; Ibid., p. 46, 
" Middle of October." 

^ Davis [Spanish Conquest^ p. 160) suggests 
that he should have written *' northwest." 
The anonymous Relacion (Pacheco*s Documentos 
InSditos, tom. xiv. p. 321) states that he trav- 
elled "westward." 

* [Sec antey p. 443, in the section of " Dia* 
coveries on the Pacific Coast." — Ed.] 






EARLY EXPLORATIONS OF NEW MEXICO. 487 

waiting there awhile had returned to New Spain. It also contained the 
information that this supposed south sea was actually a ^ulf which sepa- 
rated the mainland from what had been called the Island of California, 
With the intention of exploring this peninsula. Dia/ proceeded up the 
river five or six da\s* march in the hope of finding a ford, and at length 
attempted to cross by means of rafts. The natives, whose assistance he 
had called in to help construct them, proved treacherous, and laid a plot 
to attack the Spaniards on both banks uf the river, while a portion were 
in the act of crossing. When this was detected, they made their assault 
boldly, but were speedily put to flight. Diaz then continued his journey 
alon^ the coast, which t<K»k here a st)utheasterly direction, until he reached 
a volcanic region where farther progress became impossible. While rc- 
tracinj* his steps, he met with an accident which put an end to his life; 
but the rest of his partv returned to Sonora in safetv. 

While Diaz was making these explc»rations, the main body of the army 
had continued on to Chichilticalli without having encountered any other 
peril th.ui bein^ severely poisoned from having; eaten preserved fruits that 
had been given to them by the natives. Castafteda records their falling 
in with a flock of lar;;e mountain sheep, which ran so swiftly that they 
could not be captured. When within a day's march of Cibola they were 
overtaken by a terrible storm, accompanied by a heavy snow-fall, which 
caused the Spaniards great suffering, and nearly cost the lives of their 
Indian allies, natives of a warm country. Hut on arriving they found 
comfortable quarters provided by Coronado, and the whole force was 
now reunited, with the exception of a detachment which had been sent 
upon an expedition in an entirely different ilirection. 

A party of natives hail come to Cibola from a village called Cicuye, sit- 
uated some seventy leagues away toward the east, under a chief to whom 
the Spaniards gave the name of Higotes, from the long must.iche he wore. 
They proffered their friendly ser\'ices to the strangers and invited them to 
visit their country, at the same time making them presents of tanned bison- 
skins. One of them had the figure of this animal painted on his body, 
which gave the Spaniards their first knowledge of its appearance. Cora 
nado made them in return presents of glass beads and bells, and ordered 
Hernando d'.Mvarado to take twenty men with him and explore that 
region, and after eighty days to return and report what he had discovered. 
After five days' travel .Mvarado came to a village called Acuco, situated 
on a precipitous cliff so high that an arquebus ball could scarcely reach 
the top. The only approach to it was by an artificial stairways cut in the 
rock, of more than three hundred steps, and for the last eighteen feet there 
were only holes into which to insert the toes.* By showing a bold front, 

* The itlcntitv of Acuco with the moticrn r.-w^-r.'//, xtt Suttu^n, p. 4-0 JarAmUlo it eri- 

pucMo of Ait»mA i» jK-rfccflv c*taMi*hrd. See cJcnl!\ »r.»ng in nannnj; Jhi% place Tutaharc\ 

the pUtc* ami tlr*4nptJon in Lieutenant Abcrt^ p ^-o Hernando d' AlvATAdo ta his Repoft 

rcp<»rt, SfMotr /i'w%*i//:v IXhumrmts, «.*. 41. jo/4 lall* it <'ck'»^ 



486 



NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 



of Seville Cathedral. For three or four days more they continued on; but 
at length they were forced to return by want of water, which they had been 
obliged to seek for every night a league or two back from the river, and 
retraced their steps to Cibola.^ 

In the mean time the main body of the army, which had been left at 
Culiacan under the command of Tristan d'Arellano, with orders to follow 
Coronado in a fortnight, set out, and slowly advancing reached at length 
Cabeza de Vaca's province of Corazones. Here it was thought best to 
attempt to establish a colony; but owing to the difficulty of procuring 
a sufficient supply of food, it was subsequently transferred to the spot 
in the valley of the river which is now called Sonora. From here Don 
Roderigo Maldonado was despatched down the river in the hope of finding 
Alarcon's vessels. He returned without having accomplished his purpose, 
but brought back with him a native of huge stature, and reported that a 
nation of still larger men dwelt farther down the coast. The whole army 
now transferred itself across the river to the new colony, and there waited 
for further orders from Coronado. 

About the middle of September, 1540,'"^ Melchior Diaz and Juan 
Gallegos arrived from Cibola with instructions for the army to proceed 
thither at once. Gallegos continued on to Mexico, carrying to the Viceroy 
an account of the discoveries ; and with him went Fray Marcos, who dared 
not remain any longer with the army, so incensed were they with him for 
his gross misrepresentations. Diaz was ordered to remain at the new 
colony in the capacity of governor, and to seek to put himself in com- 
munication with Alarcon's vessels. Immediately the army took up its 
march for Cibola, but Arellano remained behind. As soon as they had 
departed, Diaz set out to explore the sea-coast, leaving Diego d'Alcarraz 
in command in his stead, who turned out to be very poorly fitted to 
exercise authority, so that disorders and mutinies broke out. Diaz him- 
self, after marching one hundred and fifty leagues in a southwesterly 
direction (as Castaneda reports),^ struck the Tizon at some distance from 
its mouth, at a place where it was at least half a league wide. Here 
he found a race of huge men dwelling together in large numbers in under- 
ground cabins roofed with straw, from whom he learned that the vessels 
had been seen three days' march down the stream. Upon reaching the 
spot indicated, which the natives told him was fifteen leagues from its 
mouth, he came upon a tree with an inscription upon it, and buried under 
it he found a writing stating that Alarcon had come so far,^ and after 



* It is plain that this river was the Colorado ; 
the description of the Grand Canon cannot fail 
to be recognized. Bandclier, Historical Intro- 
duction^ p. 15. The name by which it was called 
was the Tizon, the Spanish word for ** fire- 
brand," which the natives dwelling upon its 
banks were reported to be in the habit of carry- 
ing upon their winter journeyings. Castaneda, 
p. 50. 



2 Castaneda, Relatioit^ p. 48; Ibid., p. 46, 
" Middle of October." 

* Davis {Spanish Conquest y p. i6o) suggests 
that he should have written " northwest." 
The anonymous Relacion (Pacheco's Documentos 
In^difos, tom. xiv. p. 321) states that he trav- 
elled "westward." 

< [Sec ante, p. 443, in the section of " Dis* 
coveries on the Pacific Coast." — Ed.] 



EARLY EXPLORATIONS OF NEW MEXICO. 487 

waiting there awhile had returned to New Spain. It also contained the 
information that this supposed south sea was actually a gulf which sepa- 
rated the mainland from what had been called the Island of California. 
With the intention of exploring this peninsula, Diaz proceeded up the 
river five or six days* march in the hope of finding a ford, and at length 
attempted to cross by means of rafts. The natives, whose assistance he 
had called in to help construct them, proved treacherous, and laid a plot 
to attack the Spaniards on both banks of the river, while a portion were 
in the act of crossing. When this was detected, they made their assault 
boldly, but were speedily put to flight Diaz then continued his journey 
along the coast, which took here a southeasterly direction, until he reached 
a volcanic region where farther progress became impossible. While re- 
tracing his steps, he met with an accident which put an end to his life ; 
but the rest of his party returned to Sonora in safety. 

While Diaz was making these explorations, the main body of the army 
had continued on to Chichilticalli without having encountered any other 
peril than being severely poisoned from having eaten preserved fruits that 
had been given to them by the natives. Castaiieda records their falling 
in with a flock of large mountain sheep, which ran so swiftly that they 
could not be captured. When within a day's march of Cibola they were 
overtaken by a terrible storm, accompanied by a heavy snow-fall, which 
caused the Spaniards great suffering, and nearly cost the lives of their 
Indian allies, natives of a warm country. But on arriving they found 
comfortable quarters provided by Coronado, and the whole force was 
now reunited, with the exception of a detachment which had been sent 
upon an expedition in an entirely different direction. 

A party of natives had come to Cibola from a village called Cicuye, sit- 
uated some seventy leagues away toward the east, under a chief to whom 
the Spaniards gave the name of Bigotes, from the long mustache he wore. 
They proffered their friendly services to the strangers and invited them to 
visit their country, at the same time making them presents of tanned bison- 
skins. One of them had the figure of this animal painted on his body, 
which gave the Spaniards their first knowledge of its appearance. Coro- 
nado made them in return presents of glass beads and bells, and ordered 
Hernando d'Alvarado to take twenty men with him and explore that 
region, and after eighty days to return and report what he had discovered. 
After five days' travel Alvarado came to a village called Acuco, situated 
on a precipitous cliff* so high that an arquebus-ball could scarcely reach 
the top. The only approach to it was by an artificial stairway cut in the 
rock, of more than three hundred steps, and for the last eighteen feet there 
were only holes into which to insert the toes.^ By showing a bold front, 

* The identity of Acuco with the modem Congress^ ist Session^ p. 470. Jaramillo is evi- 

pueblo of Acoma is perfectly established. See dently wrong in naming this place Tutahaco, 

the plates and description in Lieutenant Abert*s p. 370. Hernando d' Alvarado in his Report 

report. Senate Executive Documents^ no. 41, 30/"^ calls it Coco. 



488 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 

friendly relations were established with the inhabitants of this formidable 
stronghold, who numbered some two hundred fighting men, and a large 
supply of provisions was received from them. Three days' march farther 
brought them to a province called Tiguex, containing twelve villages 
situated on the banks of a great river,' The presence in the party of 
Bigotes, who was a renowned warrior well known in all that region, con- 
ciliated the favor of the people of Tiguex; and the country pleased 
Alvarado so much, that he sent a messenger to Coronado to persuade 
him to make it his winter quarters.^ Continuing his journey, in five days 
more he reached Cicuyfe, which he found to be a strongly fortified village 
of four-story terraced houses, built around a large square. It was also 
protected by a low stone wall, and was capable of putting five hundred 

warriors into the field." 
Here they were welcomed 
w th great demonstrations 
of fr endship, and received 
many gifts of turquoises, 
wh ch were abundant in 
that country.' While rest- 
mg here for several days 
they fell in with an Indian 
slave — a native of the re- 
gion lying toward Florida, 
which De Soto afterward 
explored, — who told them 
marvellous tales about the 




THE BUFFALO {afUr Ticvit).* 



stores of gold and silver to be found in the great cities of his own 
country. This man they named "the Turk," from his resemblance to men 
of that nation ; and such implicit credence did they place in his stories, that 
after penetrating a little way into the plains under his guidance, — where 
for the first time they saw the bisons, with whose skins they had become 
familiar, — they retraced their steps in order to bring this information to 
Coronado. On reaching Tiguex, Alvarado found Cardenas there, who had 



■ General J. H. Simpson, Cormiado' s Marik, 
p. 335, has identified Cicuye with Old Pecos. 
Additional arguments in support of this opinion 
may be found in Bandelier's Visit la tki Ab- 
eriginal Ruini in the Valley of FecBs, p. 1 13. 

* The turquoise mines of Cerillos, in the 
Sandia Mountains, are about twenty miles west 
of Fecos. Bmdelier's Visit, pp. 39, 115, 

* JThis is one of the earliest engravings — 
if not the earliest — of tiie buffalo, occurring 
on folio 144 -Beriii, of Thevet's Lci Singularita 
de la Franee Aniarctique. Antwerp, ISSS- Davis 
{Spanish Conquest of Xe-.a Afeiiea. p. 67) says 
Cabe^a de Vaca is the earliest to mention lbs 
buffalo. — Ed.1 



' Davis ( Tie SfianiiA Conquest of New Mex- 
iff, p. 1S5, note) places Tiguex on the banks of 
the Rio Puerto; and General Simpson {Coro- 
naJo's Marti, p. 335), on the Rio Grande, below 
the Puerto. But Mr. Bandeticr l/fisloriea! In- 
iToduition, pp. 20-22), from documentary evi- 
dence, places it higher up the Rio Grande, in 
the vicinity of Bernalillo ; corresponding per- 
fectly with the " central point " which Caatafleda 
declared it to be (p. iSi). 

* Alvarado's report ot this expedition can 
be tonnd in Buckingham Smith's Colacion di 
documentoi, p. 65 : Pacheco's Documenlos Iniditos, 
torn. iii. p. 51 1. He says, " Partimos de Granada 
veinte y nuevede Agostode 40, la via de Coco." 



EARLY EXPLORATIONS OF NEW MEXICO. 



489 



1 accordance with his advice, to prepare 
)w on its march from Sonora. Alvarado 




C^ ^- c£«^ n*ii-^ V*-d* §^Mm 



/^_#t*^«*^ hiu^ 



been sent on by the General, 
winter quarters for the army 
accordingly decided to 
remain in that prov- 
ince and wait for the 
coming of the army; 
but in making their 
preparations for its 
comfort the Spaniards 
showed very little con- ; 

sideration for the na- 
tives, forcing them to 
abandon one of their 
villages, taking only 
the clothes that they 
were wearing. 

By this time Arel- 
lano had arrived at 
Cibola, coming from 
Sonora; and to him 
Coronado once more 
intrusted the command of the main force, with instructions for it to rest 
twenty days at Cibola, and then to proceed direct to Tiguex. He himself, 
having heard of a province containing eight towns called Tutahaco, took 
a party of his hardiest men and set out to explore it. On his way thither, 
which took the direction of the route to Tiguex, for two days and a half 
they were without water, and were forced to seek for it in a chain of snow- 
covered mountains. After eight days' march they reached this place, and 
there they heard of other villages situated still farther down the river. The 
people were found to be a friendly race, dwelling in buildings constructed 
of earth, like those at Tiguex, which province Coronado reached by follow- 
ing up the course of the river.^ 

On his arrival there he found Alvarado and the Turk, who repeated 
his story about the marvellous wealth to be found in his country, adding 
many fanciful embellishments, — which were the more readily believed, as 
he was able to distinguish copper from gold. He pretended that the 
people of Cicuy^ had taken some gold bracelets from him when thej 



SKETCH OF THE BUFFALO.' 



' [By the kindness of [he Rev. Edward E. 
Male, D. D., 0, itacing by him from a sketch 
made about 1 599 by order oE Ofiate, and by his 
Sergeant-Major Vincente de Galdivia Mendoza, 
is here co|)ied. Tlie oiiginal is inscribed, "Tra- 
Bunio de como son las Bacos de Gibola." See 
UHlr, p. 477, nole. — Ed.] 

» Bandelier [Historical Infroduetien, p. 12) 
places Tutahaco in tlie vicinity of Isleta, on the 
Rio Grande, in opposition to Davis's opinion 
VOL. n. — 62. 



{Spanish Cmiqtieil, p. 180) that it was at Laguna. 
Coronado subsequently sent an officer south- 
ward to explore the country, who reached a 
place some eighty leagues distant, where the 
river disappeared in the earth, and on his way 
discovered four other villages. (Castaiicda, p. 
140.) These, Bandelier places near Socorro. 
(/*i'i/., p. 24.) General Simpson {Coronado't 
Afarch, p. 323, note) discusses the question of 
the disappearance oE the river. 



490 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 

made him prisoner, and Coronado accordingly sent Alvarado back to Cicuyd 
to reclaim them. The people there received him again in a friendly way, 
but denied all knowledge of the gold bracelets, and declared the Turk to be 
a liar. Upon this, Alvarado threw the chief men of the town and Bigotes 
into chains and brought them to Tiguex, where they were kept prisoners 
more than six months, to the great grief and indignation of the natives, 
who endeavored in vain to rescue them. This affair did much to discredit 
the Spaniards in the estimation of the natives, whom their subsequent harsh 
treatment soon stirred up to active resistance. 

After the twenty days had expired, Arellano and the army started for 
Tiguex, passing on their way the rock of Acuco, which many of the 
Spaniards ascended to enjoy the view, — but with great difficulty, although 
the native women accomplished it easily, carrying their water-jars. They 
had rested, after their first day's march, at the finest town in all the 
province, where were private houses seven stories high. Here it began 
to snow. It was now early in December (1540), and for ten days of their 
journey the snow fell every night. But there was wood in plenty for their 
fires, and they did not suffer, even finding the snow a protection. But 
when they reached the village in the province of Tiguex, where their 
winter quarters had been prepared, they forgot all their past toils in 
listening to the delusive fables told them by the Turk. The whole 
province, however, was found to be in a state of revolt, occasioned by 
the severity of exactions imposed by Coronado in his anxiety for the 
comfort of his men, together with the brutality of officers and soldiers 
alike in carrying out his orders. The General had made requisition for 
three hundred pieces of cloth ; and without allowing time for the natives 
to allot their several proportions to the different villages to complete 
the amount, the soldiers stripped the garments off whomsoever they met, 
without regard to rank or condition, and had added to the injury by 
offering violence to the women. The people of one of the villages had 
slain one of the Indian allies and driven off several of the horses, where- 
upon Coronado had sent Cardenas with the greater part of the force to 
attack it; and only after more than twenty-four hours of hard fighting, 
and when many of the Spaniards had been wounded by arrows, were the 
defenders at last forced to surrender by a device of the Indian allies, who 
drove a mine into the lower portion of the houses, and filled them with 
the smoke of burning combustibles. By an act of base treachery they 
were put to death after having been promised quarter; and at once the 
report was spread far and wide that the Spaniards were violators of their 
solemn engagements. 

It was just at the time of the capture of this village that the main body 
of the army arrived ; and then the snow began to fall and continued to do 
so for two months, so that it was impossible to undertake any new enter- 
prise. Attempts were made, however, to conciliate the natives ; but they 
refused to place any confidence in the representations made to them. 



EARLY EXPLORATIONS OF NEW MEXICO. 49 1 

Force was thereupon resorted to ; and Cardenas, after an ineffectual attempt 
upon one of the villages, came near losing his life by treachery before the 
principal town of Tiguex, to which Coronado finally determined to lay 
regular siege. This lasted for fifty days, during which the besieged suffered 
greatly from want of water; and finally, in attempting to escape by night 
they were discovered, and a great many of them were driven into the river 
and perished. The Spaniards themselves suffered considerably, more than 
twenty being wounded by arrows, several of whom died from bad medical 
treatment. Two of the officers perished, — one killed in battle, the other 
taken prisoner and carried into the town.^ 

During the siege Coronado himself made a brief visit to Cicuy^, for the 
purpose of examining the country and restoring to his home the chieftain 
whom Alvarado had brought away. At this time he promised to set 
Bigotes also at Hberty, when he should pass by the place on his way to 
the rich countries which the Turk had told about. This delighted the 
people, and he returned to the camp before Tiguex, leaving them in a very 
friendly state of mind toward him. 

About this time there arrived messengers from Alcarraz and the colony 
at Sonora, bringing information of the death of Melchior Diaz, and of the 
disorderly condition prevailing there. Coronado immediately despatched 
Tobar to take command at that place, and to escort the messengers whom 
he sent to the Viceroy to report what had already been accomplished and 
the marvellous information received from the Turk. Tobar soon found 
himself involved in hostilities with the natives, and lost seventeen of his 
men by their poisoned arrows. Not feeling himself sufficiently secure at 
Sonora, he transferred the colony to the valley of Suya, forty leagues 
nearer to Cibola; and not long afterward he received orders from Coro- 
nado to rejoin the army with the best of his force. 

When the siege was over, an expedition was sent out to receive the 
submission of the people of ,Chia, a large town situated four leagues west 
of the river, in whose charge were left four bronze cannon which were 
in a bad condition. Another expedition was equally successful in a prov- 
ince of seven villages called Quirex.^ 

For four months the river had been closed by ice strong enough to bear a 
horse ; but now it had melted, and Coronado prepared to start for the lands 
called Quivira, Arche, and the country of the Guyas, which the Turk declared 
abounded to a greater or less degree with gold and silver. Many of the 
Spaniards, however, began to have their suspicions about these fine stories. 

The army left Tiguex, April 23, 1 541, ^ for Cicuye, twenty-five leagues 
distant ; and with them went Bigotes, who was set at liberty on arriving 

* Castaneda (Relation, p. loi ) says the siege and in placing Quirex in the Queres district of 

terminated at the close of 1542; but it is clear, Cochiti, Santo Domingo, etc. 
from the course of the narrative, that it must ^ Letter of Coronado to the Emperor Charles 

have been early in 1 541. the Fifth; Ternaux-Compans, vol. ix. p. 356. 

2 All the authorities agree in identifying Castaiicda (ReiatioHy p. 113) says it was on 

Chia with the modern pueblo of Cia, or Silla, May 5. 



492 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 

there, to the great joy of his countrymen. Provisions in abundance were 
supplied by them, besides a guide, named Xabe, a native of Quivira, who 
confirmed to some extent the stories of the Turk. On quitting Cicuy6 they 
immediately entered the mountains, and after four days' march came to a 
broad river over which they were forced to build a bridge, which occupied 
four days more.^ From here they journeyed in a direction north-northeast 
over the plains, and in a few days fell in with immense herds of bisons. At 
first there were only bulls, but some days later they came upon the cows 
and calves; and at this time, after seventeen days* march, they came upon 
a band of nomads called Querechos, busy in the pursuit of the animals. 
This people dwelt in tents made of tanned bison-skins stretched around 
poles planted in the earth and fastened above and below. They possessed 
large packs of dogs, by whom the tents were transported, and obtained their 
whole sustenance by hunting the bison. Castaiieda relates that on one occa- 
sion he saw an arrow driven completely through the body of one of these 
animals. The Querechos were intelligent and perfectly fearless, but friendly ; 
and by signs they confirmed what the Turk had said, adding that to the east- 
ward was a large river whose banks were thickly inhabited, and that the near- 
est village was called Haxa. Two days' march farther on, the same tribe was 
again met, and they said that the villages lay still more to the east. 

As the Turk now represented that Haxa was only two days* march 
distant, Diego Lopez was sent in advance, with ten light-armed men, to 
explore it; while the army, continuing on in the same direction, fell in 
with an innumerable quantity of bisons, and lost several horses in chasing 
them. Lopez, after marching twenty leagues without seeing anything but 
the sky and the bisons, was at last brought back by the friendly natives ; 
and his ill success contributed still more to discredit the Turk. One of the 
force, a native of Quivira named Sopete, had given quite different informa- 
tion about the route ; and Coronado therefore sent out another exploring 
party under Rodrigo Maldonado, who came tp a village in a great ravine, 
where a blind old man gave them to understand by signs that a long while 
before he had seen four of their countrymen : these were believed to be 
Cabeza de Vaca and his companions.^ This people were very friendly, 
and gave to the Spaniards a great quantity of tanned skins and other ob- 
jects, including a tent as large as a house. Forthwith a messenger was 
despatched to bring the whole body of the soldiers to this spot, who, on 
arriving, proceeded at once to divide the skins among themselves, to the 
great chagrin of the natives, who had supposed that they would only bless 
the skins, as Cabeza de Vaca had done, and then return them. While the 
army was resting here there came a terrible storm, in which hailstones 
fell of such enormous size as would have done great mischief if it had 

* General J. H. Simpson {Coronado' s March ^ ^ Jaramillo {Relation p. 374) says that this 

P- 336) has given the reasons for regarding this was '^much nearer New Spain; " but Castafieda 

river as the Gallinas, which is a tributary of the {Relation^ p. 120) makes them to have passed by 

Pecos. this very village. 



EARLY EXPLORATIONS OF NEW MEXICO. 493 

•been encountered in the open plain. A party sent out to reconnoitre 
came upon another wandering tribe, called Teyas, who conducted the 
army for three days' march to their town, which was called Cona. This 
people were hostile to the Querechos, and had their faces and bodies 
painted ; and from them guides were procured, who were not permitted 
to have any communication with the Turk. These confirmed what Sopete 
had said, that Quivira lay some forty days' march in a northerly direction ; 
and they led the way to another great valley, a league broad, watered by a 
little stream, where were vines and fruit-trees in abundance; and here the 
army rested some time. As it had now become evident that the Turk had 
deceived them, and as their supply of food began to run short, Coronado 
called a council of war, at which it was decided that he should take thirty 
of the bravest and best mounted horsemen and push on in search of 
Quivira, and that the rest of the army should return to Tiguex, under the 
command of Arellano. This decision, however, was not well received 
by the soldiers, who besought their General not to leave them, declaring 
that they were ready to die with him. But Coronado would not yield 
to their wishes, and set out with his party, promising to send back word 
in eight days if they might rejoin him. 

The army waited fifteen days, during which they killed a large number 
of bisons ; but several of their number lost the way and were never found, 
although cannon were fired and every means taken to recover them. Then 
messengers arrived repeating the order to return to Tiguex, and they 
quitted the valley for the country of the Teyas. This nomadic people 
knew the region perfectly, and supplied them with guides, by whom they 
were conducted back in twenty-five days to the river of Cicuy6, which they 
struck more than thirty leagues below where they had built the bridge, 
passing on their way great salt marshes. The guides told them that the 
river flowed toward the east, and fell into the river of Tiguex more than 
twenty days' journey away. From this point they marched up the river 
to Cicuy6, where they were no longer well received by the inhabitants, 
who refused to furnish them with provisions. Accordingly they returned 
to Tiguex, arriving about the middle of July, 1541. 

In the mean time Coronado, after marching in a northerly direction over 
the plains for thirty days, came to a large river, which was named for 
Saints Peter and Paul. All this time he and his men had lived entirely 
upon the flesh of bisons, and often had only their milk to drink. Sopete 
.said there were villages farther down the river; and accordingly he 
followed the northern bank for three days or more in a northeasterly 
•direction, until he came to one situated upon a branch of the great river. 
Journeying for four or five days more, he reached in succession six or 
seven other villages similarly situated, until he arrived at one which he was 
told was called Quivira.^ Here he heard of other villages still farther 

* In his Letter to Charles V. (p. 358), Coro- after parting from the main body of his force, 
tiado states that having marched forty-two days he arrived at Quivira in about sixty-seven days 



494 



NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 



distant on the banks of a yet larger river called Teucarea. Great was 
Coronado's disappointment at finding that Quivira, instead of being as he 
had been informed a city of stone houses of many stories, consisted only of 
a collection of straw-built huts, and that its people were the most barbarous 
of any that he had hitherto encountered. They ate their meat raw, like the 
Querechos and the Teyas, and were clad in tanned bison-skins, not having 
any cotton ; but they cultivated maize. The Turk, who had for some time 
been conducted in chains with the rear-guard, was now interrogated as 
to his motives in so misrepresenting the nature of the country, and mis- 
leading the Spaniards. He replied that his owa country lay beyond 
Quivira, and that the people of Cibola had begged him to lead the 
strangers astray upon the plains, so that they might perish by famine, 
as it was supposed that they relied upon maize for their food, and did not 
know how to chase the bison. One night he endeavored to stir up the 
people of Quivira to massacre the Spaniards; but being put upon their 
guard, the Spaniards strangled him, to the great delight of Sopete. No 
gold or silver was found in the country ; but one of the chiefs wore a plate 
of copper suspended from his neck, by which he set great store. Coronado 
says that Quivira was nine hundred and fifty leagues distant from Mexico, 
and was situated in latitude 40°. The soil was rich and black, watered by 
many streams, and bore an abundance of grapes and plums. ^ Here he 
remained for twenty-five days, sending out exploring parties in all direc- 
tions, who found great difficulty in communicating with the natives, owing 
to the diversity of languages spoken by them, and the want of interpreters. 
It was now the latter part of July ,2 and it was time to start to rejoin the 
army at Tiguex. So, after collecting a supply of maize for the journey, 
and erecting a cross with an inscription saying that Coronado had been 



(P* 359)- This gives twenty-five days for ac- 
complishing the distance to the point of sep- 
aration, instead of thirty-seven, as stated by 
Castaneda {Relation, pp. 127, 134), who esti- 
mates that they had travelled two hundred and 
fifty leagues from Tiguex, marching six or seven 
leagues a day, as measured by counting their 
steps. 

^ Letter to Charles V.y p. 360. There is a 
great difference of opinion as to the situation 
of Quivira. The earlier writers, Gallatin, 
Squier, Kern, Abert, and even Davis, have 
fallen into the error of fixing it at Gran Quivira, 
about one hundred miles directly south of Santa 
Fe, where are to be seen the ruins of a Fran- 
ciscan Mission founded subsequently to 1629. 
See Diary of an excursion to the ruins of Abo^ 
Quarra,anJ Gran Quivira^ in New Mexico, '^SS? 
by Major J. H. Carleton (Smithsonian Report, 
1854, p. 296). General Simpson, however, 
(Coronado's March, p. 339) argues against this 
view, and maintains that Coronado "reached 
the fortieth degree of latitude, or what is now 



the boundary line between the States of Kansas 
and Nebraska, well on toward the Missouri 
River." Judge Savage believes that he crossed 
the plains of Kansas and came out at a point 
much farther west, upon the Platte River. 
Proceedings of American Antiquarian Society, 
April, 188 1, p. 240. Prince {History of A'ew 
Mexico, p. 141) thinks that " Coronado traversed 
parts of the Indian Territory and Kansas, and 
finally stopped on the borders of the Missouri, 
somewhere between Kansas City and Council 
Bluffs." Judge Prince, who is President of the 
Hist. Society of New Mexico, adds that it would 
be impossible from what Castaiieda tells us, to 
determine the position of Quivira with certainty. 
Bandelier {Historical Introduction, p. 25) is not 
satisfied that he reached as far northeast as 
General Simpson states, and believes that he 
moved more in a circle. 

2 Jaramillo {Relation, i>. 377) says "it was 
about the middle of August;" but according 
to Castaneda {Relation, p. 141), Coronado got 
back to Tiguex in August. 



EARLY tXI'LORATlONS OK NEW MEXICO. 



495 



there, he procured fresh guides, leaving Sopele in his home, and returned 
by the route he had come, as far as to the river named for Saints Peter 
and l*aul. At that point, bending more towards the west, they reached 
the country' where they had first fiillen in with the (Juercchos, and had been 
turned from the direct course by the Turk ; and in forty days they reached 
Cicuye. 

In the mean lime, Arellano and the main portion of the force had been 
makinj^ preparations fi>r passinj^ the winter at Ti^uex. and had been 
despatching parlies in different directions to procure supphes t>f provisions 
One under Francisco tk* H.irrio-Nucvt) was >cnt in a nt»rthcrlv direction 
up the river and visitcil two prm inces, of whicli one, called llemez, 
contained Neven villages; the other, named Viu}ue-\'un(pie, two fine ones 
on the bank of the river, and ft)ur others stronj^ly fortihetl and difTicult 
of access in the mountains.* Twenty leagues farther up the river was a 
lar^e ami powerful vill.i^e called Hraba, to which the Spaniards j^ave the 
name of Valladolid. It was !>iiilt on both banks of a deep and rapid Ntream. 
which was crossed b>' a bridj^e t)f v\ell-s(|uared pine timber; and contained 
lar^e rooms that could be heated, supported by huj^e pillars, superior to 
anything of the kind that had been seen in the country*-* Another exj>c- 
tlition was sent down the river. a> has been alreativ related. 

By this time some apprehension be^an to be felt for Coronado's safety, 
as the time fixed for his return had expired and nothinj; had yet been 
heard fnun him. Accordingly Arellano started with a small party in search 
of him. and at Cicuye he was attacked by the inh.ibitants, with whom he 
kept up a contest for ft)ur days. Tidings then came from the (ieneral; 
anil, ccmtentin^ himself with ^uardin^ the passes, Arellano waited there 
for his arrival. Coronado sc K>n succeeded in re-establishinj^ friendly rela- 
lii»ns, AX\k\ continued on immediately to Ti^uex. As soon as he reached 
that place he set about in earnest to pacify the whole province, and to 
persuade the inhabitants to return t«> their homes. The most strenuouii 
exertions were made to procure a supply of clothing for the troops, wlio 
were in j^reat distress f«»r it. ami to provide in ever\' way for their comfort; 
so that C'astaHeda s.iys. * Never was Spanish ^ener.il in the Indies more 
beh»ved or lK*tter obe\ed than he." In the spring he prt»misetl his men 
that they sh<»uld start a^ain in search of the unknown countrie'>. about 
which the Turk had set their imaj^inations on fire. The j^reater part were 
firm in the conviction that the natives were fimiliar with ^'oM. d'vpjtc 
their .issurances to the contr.irv. and that the\' should find it in abun<lance. 
Hut it is plain from C'or<»nadM\ reptjrt that he ditl not share in this belief; 
and the setpiel proved that (»thers agreed with him. The re-j^iun «)f Ti^uex 



* Hcmr/ r\»«icntl\ i* the |ctij»; imkI*!-'*; 
am! \ UijiK \'\»n»jt»c ha% l>rcn ;.!<?•.•. !;< «! a* the 
'I'rhua |.nrM.»%. Sant.i <'Ura. s.in IM- i-.n^i.. 
rti . north ot S^nt-i Fr 



|». ;;»l hi* : !'utsls«<l r.f.»'«4 K»:!h thr «c!cf»ra!cu 

jin* e vkjH tii.»'!r t I iSr \m<ru.»tj icn* .n 1S47. 

hj,.* t:^ct» J .It *, r;j»{M.t» I. rrc«{»>m!;tit; (>cricct)y 
«!th thjit ui ('A%taAc<JU*t A^t*Uum, p. ij^ 



496 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 

he found far too cold and too distant from the sea to make it a desirable 
situation for a colony. 

About this time Tobar arrived with the reinforcements which, as we 
have seen, he had been ordered to bring from the valley of Suya. He had 
taken only the best soldiers, leaving many discontented and mutinous ones 
behind ; and these arrived in the full expectation of finding the General 
already established in the rich countries about which the marvellous reports 
had reached them. But their disappointment was somewhat consoled when 
they learned that in the spring the whole army would start in the search 
of them. Tobar had brought despatches from the Viceroy, and private 
letters, — among them one informing Cardenas that he had fallen heir to 
his elder brother's estate. Cardenas accordingly obtained leave to return 
to Mexico, and several others went with him. Castafteda says that many 
more would have been glad to do so, if they had not been restrained by 
fear of being accused of cowardice. This shows the divided feeling that 
prevailed. And soon trouble arose between the General, who studied only 
the welfare of the whole army, and certain of the officers, who selfishly 
looked more after the interests of their own men ; so that some already 
began to talk of abandoning the expedition and returning to New Spain. 

When the winter was over, Coronado ordered preparations to be made 
to start for Quivira, on the way to the unknown countries. But fate had 
ordained a different termination for his enterprise. On a holiday, while 
he was amusing himself by tilting at the ring with Maldonado, Coronado's 
saddle-girths broke, and he fell to the ground, where he received a blow on 
the head from Maldonado's horse, which nearly cost him his life. A long 
illness followed, during which Cardenas suddenly returned in haste from 
Suya, with the news that he had found that post broken up and the inhab- 
itants massacred. It seems that the discontented element left behind by 
Tobar, — pretending that they had been abandoned, and that the route for 
New Spain had left them on one side, — had deserted Alcarraz and the sick 
men under his charge, and had fled to Culiacan. Upon this the natives 
became insubordinate, and one night made an attack upon the enfeebled 
force with poisoned arrows, killing a number of them. The rest escaped 
on foot to Corazones, whose people, always friendly to the Spaniards, 
aided them on their way to Culiacan, where they, as well as the mutineers, 
were found by Gallegos not long afterward, when he arrived there with 
reinforcements. 

The news of this calamity was so afflicting to Coronado that he grew 
worse, or, as Castaiieda intimates, feigned to do so, as he had allowed him- 
self to give way to the influence of superstitious terrors. In his youth 
the prediction had been made that he would become lord of a distant land, 
and that he would lose his life there by a fall. This now seemed to him 
to be in the way of accomplishment, and he longed to return to die with 
his wife and children. The surgeon had kept him informed of the dis- 
content that prevailed among a portion of his force, and he accordingly 



II 



EARLY EXPLORATIONS OF NEW MEXICO. 497 

took secret counsel with certain of the officers, in which it was agreed 
that they should persuade their men to present a petition, praying that 
they might be allowed to return to New Spain. A council of war was then 
held, at which the conclusion was reached that the country was neither 
sufficiently rich nor populous to make it worth the holding. Coronado 
thereupon issued the necessary orders for the return march. Some of the 
officers, however, repented of their decision, and asked the General to give 
them sixty picked men, with which to maintain themselves until reinforce- 
ments should be sent by the Viceroy; or for him to take that number 
of men for his escort, and leave the command of the expedition to some 
other person. But the army would not listen to either of these propositions, 
as they had no inclination to make the trial of any new commander. The 
consequence was that the zeal and affection of some of the officers for their 
chief disappeared, though that of the men still held firm. 

It was in the early part of April, 1542, that the army began its return 
march to New Spain. Two of the missionaries remained behind, in the 
hope of making proselytes of the natives. One of them, a lay brother 
named Luis, remained at Clcuyi ; the other, Juan de Padilla, who had led 
the charge at Tusayan, continued on to Quivira with some native converts; 
where, in the words of Castafleda, he speedily " received the martyr's 
crown." To better insure the safety of the priests, Coronado ordered his 
men to set at liberty their native slaves, and then started for Cibola. On 
the journey thither the horses, which thus far had kept in excellent 
condition, began to die in great numbers. The army accordingly rested 
a while there before entering upon the desert lying between that place 
and Chichilticalli ; and some Christianized Indians from Mexico remained 
behind at Cibola, where they were found by Antonio de Espejo, forty-one 
years afterward, in 1583.^ 

The crossing of the desert was uneventful, and two days after they 
reached Chichilticalli, Gallegos arrived there from the Viceroy with rein- 
forcements of men and munitions of war. Great was his dismay at finding 
the army on its way back, and all the splendid visions dissipated that the 
Turk had conjured up. Those of the officers who had offered to remain 
and hold the country until the Viceroy's commands should be received, 
now renewed their proposition; but the soldiers refused to return, and 
clamored to be led back to New Spain. Coronado found himself powerless 
to constrain them, even if he possessed the inclination to do so ; nor was 
his authority sufficient to enable him to inflict any punishment upon the 
deserters who had abandoned Alcarraz at Suya. During the march, Cas- 
taiieda says that Coronado kept up the fiction of being ill, and only allowed 
his intimates access to his person. The natives, seeing that the country was 
being abandoned by the Spaniards, kept up a succession of hostile encoun- 
ters, in which several of the force perished. As provisions began to fail, 

^ Carta, April 23, 1584, Documentos inSditoSy torn. xv. p. 180; Hakluyt, Voyages ^ etc. iii. 462 
(edition of 18 10). 

VOL. II. — 63. 



498 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 

the army hastened on to Petatlan, thirty leagues from Culiacan, the seat 
of Coronado's government. All the bonds of discipline had now become 
relaxed, and even his authority there as governor was not sufficient to 
reinforce it; but by begging his friends to use their influence with the 
men, he was able to bring about one hundred of the force back with 
himself to Mexico. Here he was received but coolly by the Viceroy, 
Mendoza ; his reputation was gone, and soon after he was deprived of his 
position as Governor of New Gallicia. 

Such was the end of an expedition which, as General Simpson says, 
"for extent in distance travelled, duration in time, and the multiplicity 
of its co-operating expeditions, equalled, if it did not exceed, any land 
expedition that has been undertaken in modern times." ^ 



CRITICAL ESSAY ON THE SOURCES OF INFORMATION. 

THE original sources of information in regard to the early Spanish explorations of New 
Mexico have been made available for students within the last thirty years by the 
publication of several collections of documents, preserved either in Mexico or in the 
Archivo de Indias, at Seville, or in the great national repository at Simancas. The first 
to appear was the one entitled Documentos para la historia de Mejico, published by order 
of the Mexican Government between 1853 and 1857.' This is distributed into four series, 
of which the third and the fourth contain important historical material bearing upon this 
subject Next came the well-selected Coleccion de varies documentos para la historia de la 
Florida y tierras adyacenteSy undertaken by the late Buckingham Smith, of which, however, 
only the first volume appeared in Madrid, in 1857.* Then Joaquin Garcia Icazbalceta, the 
accomplished translator of Prescott's Conquest of Peru^ published in Mexico a valuable 
Coleccion de documentos para la historia de Mixico^ in two volumes, the first in 1858 and 
the second in 1866.^ But by far the most important of all is the great Coleccion de docu- 
mentos iniditos relatives al descubrimiento, conquista y colonizacion de las posesiones 
Espaholas en AmMcay Oceania^ sacados en su mayor parte del real Archivo de Indias. 
Forty volumes of this indispensable repertory have already appeared at Madrid, between 
1864 and 1884, edited by Joaquin Francesco Pacheco and other scholars. '^ A most essen- 
tial service, however, had been rendered to the students of early American history at 
a still earlier date by the publication of Henri Ternaux-Compans' admirable series of 
VoyageSy relations ^ et mimoires originaux pour servir d rhistoire de la d/couverte de 
PAm/rique, publics pour la premiere fois en Fran^ais, of which twenty parts appeared in 
Paris between 1837 and 1841.* Prior to this our knowledge had been mainly restricted to 
Italian translations of original narratives published by Giovanni Battista Ramusio in the 
third volume of his Navigationi et Viaggi^ Venice, 1556 (reprinted in 1565 and subse- 
quently) ; of most of which Richard Hakluyt has given an English version in the third 
volume of his Voyages^ nauigations, traffiquesy and discoueries^ London, 1600 (reprinted 
in 1810). 

1 Coronado's Afarchy p. 324. documentos iniditos relafivos al descubrimientOy 

2 [See antfy p. 397. — Ed.] conquista y organizacion de las antiguas posesiones 
' [See antgy p. 290. — Ed.] espaholas de Amhrica y Oceania sacados de los 

* [See ante, p. 397. — Ed.] Archrvos del reino y muy especialmente del de 

* [See Introduction, a«//, p. vii. The latest Indias. Competentemente autorinada. — Ed.] 
volumes read on the titlepage: Coleccion de • [See Introduction, a«/^, p. vi — Ed.] 



EARLY EXPLORATIONS OF NEW MEXICO. 499 

The different expeditions, in their chronological order, may now be studied in the fol- 
lowing original authorities : — 

An account of the expedition of Nufio Beltran de Guzman to Ciguatan is contained in 
the Primera (segundd) {tercercC) {quarto) relacion anonima de la Jornada que hizo 
NuHo de Guzman d la Nueva Galiciay iu Icazbalceta's Coleccion, vol. ii. pp. 288-306-, 
43^483. Other narratives can be found in Pacheco's Documentos Iniditos^ tom. xiv., 
pp. 347-373, and 411-463; tom. xvi., pp. 363-375. De Guzman first conquered and 
then colonized Sinaloa, and even penetrated into Sonora, thus preparing the way for the 
subsequent explorations. Very little information, however, about New Mexico is to be 
obtained from any of these narratives. 

Alvar Nufiez Cabeza de Vaca published his remarkable story at Zamora in 1542, under 
the title : La relacion que dio Aluar Nufiez Cabega de Vaca de lo acaescido en las Indias 
en la armada donde yua por gouemador Pdphilo de Narbaez^ desde el aHo de veyntey siete 
hasta el afio de treyntay seys que boluio a Sevilla con tres de su compatiia^ Notwith- 
standing the vivid interest that will always attach to this thrilling story of adventure and 
suffering, the indications given in it of the routes by which he journeyed, and of the places 
and peoples he visited, are practically of far too vague a character to enable them to be 
satisfactorily identified,^ even if we feel warranted in placing implicit confidence in the 
author's veracity. 

The original report by Fray Marcos de Nizza (of Nice) of his Descubrimiento de las 
Siete Ciudades, can be found in Pacheco's Documentos iniditos^ tom. iii. p. 329 ; and the 
instructions received by him from the Viceroy Mendoza are given on p. 325 of the same 
volume. An Italian translation of the report is contained in Ramusio, Navigationi^ vol. 
iii- p- 356 (ed. of 1565) ; and from this was made the English version in Hakluyt, Voyagesy 
vol. iii. p. 438 (ed. of 1810). But on comparing both Ramusio's and Hakluyt's versions 
with the original, not only will it be foimd that in many places they are mere paraphrases, 
but that frequently additional particulars have been foisted into the text Especially notice- 
able are the many exaggerated statements in regard to the quantities of gold and of precious 
stones seen by the monk during his journey, or about which stories are told to him by the 
natives, for which there is not a vestige of authority to be found in the original. Fray 
Marcos claims to have related what he himself saw or what was told to him ; but it is 
evident not only that he was prone to lend a credulous ear to whatever fictions might be 
imposed upon him, but that he grossly misrepresented what he had himself seen. This 
is directly charged upon him by those who followed in his footsteps under Coronado, and 
who suffered grievously by reason of his falsifications ; so that he was even compelled to 
flee to Mexico to escape the consequences of their just indignation. We think that he 
fairly deserves the epithet of " the lying monk," which has been bestowed upon him, in 
spite of the air of probability which pervades the greater part of his narrative. But it must 
in justice be said, however, that he appears rather to have been carried away by religious 
enthusiasm than actuated by any personal or mercenary considerations ; and with the hope 
of being able to convert the natives to Christianity, he invested them and their surround- 
ings with the glow of his own imagination. Still, this need not militate against the truth 
of his statements in regard to the distances he travelled, or the physical characteristics of 
the regions through which his route lay; so that his narrative will always be important for 
the students of the topography, if not of the ethnology, of New Mexico at the period of 
its discovery. 

Temaux-Compans {Voyages^ etc.^ vol. ix. p. 256) has made a most faithful French 
translation, from copies of the originals at Simancas, of Fray Marcos's report, and of the 
letter from Mendoza to the Emperor Charles V., which accompanied it, as well as of the 
instructions received by the Friar from Mendoza. 

The story of Coronado's romantic expedition in search of " The Seven Cities of Cibola " 
has been told with more or less of detail by four different persons who took part in it 

* [For bibliography of this Relacion see ante, p. 286. — Ed.] 2 js^e Q^f^^ p, 287. — Ed.] 



500 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF A31ERICA, 

We have also three of his own letters and despatches narrating his earlier proceedings. 
Of these, the first is a brief one, written to the Viceroy Mendoza, dated Culiacan, March S, 
<539) transmitting a report received from Fray Marcos while upon his joamey. An 
English version of this can be foond in Hakloyt, Voyages, vol. iii. p. 434 (ed. of 1810), 
translated from Ramusio, Navigaticniy voL iii. p. 395 (ed. of 1565) : and a French trans- 
lation, in Ternaux-Compans, voL ix. p. 349. Next comes a short letter to the Viceroy 
dated April 10, 1539. in which he tells about the preparations for his ineffectual expedition 
to Topira ; Hakluyt, p. 352 ; Ramusio, p. 435 ; Temaux-Compans. p. 352. Of much 
greater importance, however, is the full report transmitted by him to Mendoza from Qbola 
(or Granada, as he called it), August 3, 1540, setting forth everything that had occurred 
between that date and April 22, when he had started. An Italian version of this is given 
by Ramusio, Navigaiioni, vol. iii. p. 359 (ed. of 1565) ; Relatiaru de Francisco Vaxquez d€ 
Coronado del viagio alle deiU setta cita. An English translation can be found in Hakluyt, 
Voyages, vol. iii. p. 446 (ed. of 1810). Finally, there is the letter which he wrote to the 
Emperor Charles V., from Tiguex, after his return from Quivira, in which is related the 
course of events from April 23, 1541. up to October 20 of the same year. This can be 
found in Pacheco's Documentos ifUditos, tom- iii. p. 363 : and it has been repeated in 
tom. xiii. p. 261. A French translation of it is given in the Voyages of Temaux-Com- 
pans, vol. ix. p. 355. 

The four narratives by other pens are — 

f . An anonymous Relacion del suceso de la Jornada que Francisco Vazquez hizo en el 
dcscubrimiento de Cibola^ cont^ned in Buckingham Smith's Coleccion de varios documentos^ 
p. 147. This was afterwards printed in Pacheco's Documentos in^ditos, tom. xiv. p. 318, 
but with the erroneous date of 1531, instead of 1541. 

2. A second anonymous account, entitled Traslado de las nuevas y noticias que dieron 
sohre el descobrimiento de una Cibdad que llamaron de Cibola, situada en la Tierra 
Nueva, can also be found in Documentos indditos, tom. xix. p. 529, with the same error 
in the date. 

3. Of much greater value is the Relacion que did el Capitan yoan Jaramillo, de la Jor- 
nada que hizo d la tierra nueva de la quefui General Francisco Vazquez de Coronado; of 
which a French translation was first published by Temaux-Compans, in his Voyages^ etc., 
vol. ix. p.* 364. The priginal was afterwards printed in Buckingham Smith's Coleccion, 
p. 155, and subsequently in Pacheco's Documentos iniditos, tom. xiv. p. 304, but under 
the erroneous date of 1537. It is a straightforward, soldierly narrative, well written, and 
with many picturesque details, and it contains an unusual amount of topographical infor- 
mation ; so that it is of great value in establishing the route followed by the expedition, 
and in identifying the various localities. 

4. But if our knowledge of the expedition had been confined to the authorities thus far 
indicated, we should have had a very imperfect idea both of its events and of its results. 
In 1838 Temaux-Compans published a translation into French of a quarto manuscript, of 
157 leaves, which he had found in the Uguina Collection, at Paris, under the title Relation 
du Voyage de Cibola enterpris in 1540 ; ou Pon traite de toutes les peuplades qui habitent 
cette contrie, de leurs moturs et coutumes, par Pddro de Castaheda de Nagera ( Voyages, 
vol. ix. p. l). Nothing has been discovered in relation to this writer except what is con- 
tained in his own account. He states that he ** wrote his narrative in the city of Culiacan, 
where he was living in the midst of misery and dangers, as the whole country was in a 
state of insurrection" (p. 233). The volume bears the indorsement, " Finished copying 
at Seville, Oct. 26, 1596." As his name is not mentioned in the list of oflicers which he 
has given, it is supposed that he was only a private soldier. The work shows that he was 
a man of considerable education, but it is evidently the production of a novice in the art 
of literary composition. It is an attempt at a methodical narrative, divided into three 
parts, but it is quite difficult to follow in it the order of events. In the first part he treats 
of the incidents of the expedition, and of the army and its officers ; the second contains a 
description of the provinces, villages, and mountains that were discovered, of the religion 



EARLY EXPLORATIONS OF NEW MEXICO. 50I 

and customs of the inhabitants, and of the animals, fruits, and vegetables to be found ; 
and in the last part he tells about the return of the army, and explains the reasons for 
abandoning the attempt at colonization. As he wrote more than twenty years after the 
events he has described, he sometimes signifies his inability to remember precisely the 
number of miles travelled, or of the days during which they journeyed. He has even fallen 
into the error of making the day on which the expedition entered Campostello, Shrove 
Tuesday, 1541 (p. 24), although he gives the correct date, 1540, in the Dedicatory Epistle 
(p. xiv). Throughout his entire narrative, whenever he gives the date of the year, it is 
always one too large, as can be seen on pp. loi, 137, and 213. He professes to have 
written for the purpose of correcting the many misrepresentations and fables that had 
sprung up in regard to the country they had discovered, and the character of the people, 
and the nature of the animals to be found there. Castafteda impresses the reader as a 
religious, humane, and candid man, who cannot fail to win his confidence in the truth of 
the events he relates. He does not hesitate to expose and to comment upon the cruel 
and rapacious acts of his own countrymen ; and he does full justice both to the natural 
amiability and to the valor of the natives. His various observations show him to have 
been a man of sagacity and good judgment. Mr. Bandelier vouches for the remarkable 
accuracy of his description of the country, although the distances generally are estimated 
one third too great {Historical Introduction to Studies among the Sedentary Indians of 
New Mexico^ p. 22). The Castafieda MS. is now in the Lenox library. 

These are all the original sources of knowledge in regard to the earliest attempts at 
exploration in New Mexico by the Spaniards, and especially respecting Coronado*s expe- 
dition to the Seven Cities of Cibola. The historians of Mexico, from Gomara down, 
while adding no new information to that detailed by Castafieda, are in agreement with him 
as to the general facts. 

Renewed attention was directed to Coronado's expedition and to the probable locality 
of Cibola by the publication of the reports contained in the Notes of a Military Reconnois- 
sance made by Lieut. -Colonel William H. Emory, in 1846-1847, with the advance guard 
of the army of the IVest, during the war between the United States and Mexico,^ and the 
Report of Lieutenant f. W. Abert of his examination of New Mexico. Colonel Emory, 
in a letter to Hon. Albert Gallatin, dated Oct. 8, 1847, made the statement that he had 
met with "an Indian race living in four-story houses, built upon rocky promontories, 
inaccessible to a savage foe, cultivating the soil, and answering the description of the seven 
cities of Coronado, except in their present insignificance in size and population, and the 
fact that the towns, though near each other, are not in a (continuous) valley six leagues 
long, but on different branches of the same stream" (p. 133). He had in mind the 
villages in the vicinity of Ciboletta, Laguna, etc., on the Rio San Jose, a tributary of the 
Rio Grande del Norte, about ninety miles east of the present Zufti pueblo. This opinion 
was corroborated by Lieutenant Abert (p. 491). lyfr. Gallatin thereupon proceeded 
to prepare for the Transactions of the American Ethnological Society (vol. ii. p. liii, 
1848) an elaborate essay on the Ancient semi-civilization of New Mexico, Rio Gila, and 
its vicinity, in which large use was made of these military reports, and to which was 
prefixed a map compiled by Mr. E. G. Squier. In November of the same year Mr. 
Squier contributed to the American Review an article on New Mexico and California, 
The ancient monuments and the aboriginal semi-civilized nations of New Mexico and 
California, with an abstract of the early Spanish explorations and conquests in those 
regions, particularly those falling within the territory of the United States. Mr. Gallatin 
came to the conclusion that the seven cities "appear to have been near the sources of 
a tributary of the great Colorado, and not of the Rio del Norte " (p. Ixxii) ; but he 
inclined to the opinion that they had been destroyed by the Apaches (p. xciv). Mr. 
Squier identified Cibola with Zufii ; but there are inconsistencies to be found between 
his map and statements contained in his article. In that same year Lieutenant J. H. 

* Senate Executive Documents, Nc. 41, 30th Congress, ist Session. 1848. 



502 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 

Simpson, in his Journal of a Military Reconnoissance from Santa Fi to the Navajo Coun- 
'0'»* &21V® * detailed description of Zufti, which he considered to be the site of Cibola. 

The explorations carried on in New Mexico and Arizona, from 1853 to 1856, during 
the search for a suitable route for the Pacific Railroad, took Lieutenant A. W. Whipple 
and Professor W. W. Turner over the same ground, and they both came to a similar 
conclusion {Pacific Railroad Reports^ vol. iii. pp. 68, 104). But in 1857 Mr. H. M. 
Breckenridge published at Pittsburg a brief narrative of the Early discoveries by Span- 
iards in New Mexico^ containing an account of the castles of Cibola and the present 
appearance of their ruins^ in which he maintained that Cibola was the well-known ruin 
called Casa Grande, on the river Gila. Mr. R. H. Kern, however, upheld the Zufti 
theory in his map, prepared in 1854 to accompany Schoolcraft's History of the Indian 
Tribes of North America (vol. iv. p. 33) ; and Mr. Schoolcraft himself adopted the same 
view (vol. vi. p. 70, 1857). 

In the year 1869 important additions were made to our knowledge of the errly history 
of New Mexico, and especially of Coronado*s expedition. Mr. W. H. H. Davis, who 
had held an official position in that Territory, and in 1856 had published an interesting 
study of it under the title of El Gringo^ gave to the world the first history of The Spanish 
Conquest of New Mexico^ Doylestown, Penn. In the same year Brevet Brigadier 
General Simpson, who had had his attention directed to the question twenty years 
previously, prepared for the Annual Report of the Regents of the Smithsonian Institution 
for 1869 a thorough study, accompanied by a map, of Coronado's March in search of the 
" Seven Cities of Cibola^' and discussion of their probable location,'^ In April of the 
same year there appeared in the North American Review an article by the late Mr. 
Lewis H. Morgan, entitled The Seven Cities of Cibola^ in which that eminent archaeologist 
made an elaborate argument in favor of the identification of that site with the remarkable 
group of ruined stone structures, discovered not long before in the valley of the Rio 
Chaco, one of the affluents of the Colorado, about one hundred miles to the northeast 
of Zufti. On this point, however, both Mr. Davis (p. 119) and General Simpson have 
pronounced in favor of Zufli, and General Simpson has even undertaken to answer 
Mr. Morgan's arguments in detail (p. 232). Mr. Morgan, nevertheless, still held to his 
opinion in his Study of the houses of the American Aborigines^ p. 46 {First annual 
report of the Archaological Institute of A merica^ 1880) expanded into the House and 
House-life of the American Aborigines (Geographical and Geological Survey of the 
Rocky Mountain region, in charge of J. W. Powell, vol. iv., 1881, pp. 167-170). 

The Spanish Conquest of New Mexico^ by Mr. Davis, is a valuable contribution to 
history, in which faithful and diligent use has been made of the original authorities and 
of unpublished documents ; and it is the only full and connected narrative that has yet 
appeared of the series of events which it relates. The important episode to which 
General Simpson confines his attention is treated in abundant detail, and great acuteness 
and local knowledge are displayed in the discussion of the route followed by Coronado. 
It is likely to remain always the leading authority upon this subject. 

In his elaborate work upon The Native Races of the Pacific States, Mr. H. H. 
Bancroft adopted the Zufti theory as to the site of Cibola (vol. iv. p. 674), repeated 
in his History of the Pacific States (vol. x. p. 85).* This is also the opinion maintained 
by Mr. A. F. Bandelier in his Historical Introduction to Studies among the Sedentary 
Indians of New Mexico, p. 12 {Papers of the Archceological Institute of America. 

1 Senate Executive Documents, No. 64, 31st treatment of the subject. He touches it inciden- 
Congress, ist Session, 1850. tally in his Central America^ vol. i. p. 153 ; Mexico, 

2 Cf. also Journal of the American Geo- vol. ii. pp. 293, 465-470; California, vol. i. p. 8; 
graphical Society, vol. v. p. 194, and Geographi- Northwest Coasts vol. i. pp. 44-46 ; but he pronv 
cal Magazine (1874), vol. i. p. 86. ises more detailed treatment in his volumes oi? 

' This is his North Mexican States, vol. i. A^ew Mexico and Arizona, which are yet to be 
pp. 27, 71-76, 82-87, which is at present his chief published. 



EARLY EXPLORATIONS OF NEW MEXICO. 



503 



American series, no. i, Boston, 188 1). This is a very careful and thorough investigation 
of the whole subject of the geography of New Mexico and of the tribal relations of 
its inhabitants. 

At a meeting, however, of the American Antiquarian Society in April, 1881, Rev. 
E. E. Hale read a paper entided Coronado^s Discovery of the Seven Cities^ in which he 
expressed himself as inclined to abandon his previously maintained opinion ^ in favor of 
the Zufii identification, on account of certain newly discovered evidence set forth in an 
accompanying letter from Lieutenant J. G. Bourke, who argued that the Moqui pueblos 
better satisfy the conditions of the question. To this the present writer replied in a 
communication at the following October meeting of the society, under the title What is 
the true site of " The Seven Cities of Cibola " visited by Coronado in 1540 ? In this all 
the different opinions are discussed and the Zufii theory upheld. 

The same view is supported by Mr. L. Bradford Prince, late Chief-Justice of New 
Mexico, in his Historical Sketches of New Mexico from the earliest records to the 
American occupation^ 1883 (p. 115). This modest little volume is the first attempt 
yet made to write a continuous history of the Territory down to the year 1847. It is 
a useful and in the main a trustworthy compendium. But in the chapter upon Coronado 
he has followed Castafleda's erroneous dates, as Davis also has done before him, and he 
has fallen into a few other mistakes.^ 



^Sipuy?^/!^^ <^S(z.fy7t^ey 



EDITORIAL NOTE. 



T N the Don Diego de Pehalosa y su descubrimi- 
^ ento del reino de Quivira of Cesario Fernin- 
dez Duro, published at Madrid in 1882, there is 
an enumeration (pp. 123-144) of the expeditions 
organized in New Spain for exploration towards 
the north. The following list, with the chief 
sources of information, is taken from this book : 

1523. Francisco de Garay to Panuco. Docu- 
mentos iniditos (Pacheco), xxvi. 77. 

1526. Garay and Nuiio de Guzman to Pinuco, 
MS. in Archivo de Indias. 

1530. Nufio de Guzman to New Galicia. Doc, 
inid. (Pacheco) xiv. 411; also xiii. and xvi. 
(see chap. vi. of the present History, ante^ 
p. 441 and chap. vii. p. 499). 

1531. Coronado to Cibola. Doc. inid. (Pa- 
checo), xiv. 318; xix. 529. (See chap, vii.) 

1533. Diego de Guzman to Sinaloa, Doc. inicL 
(Navarrete) ; B. Smith's Coleccion, 94. 



1536. Cabeja de Vaca. Doc. inid. (Pacheco), 
xiv. (See chap, iv.) 

1537. Coronado to Amatepeque. MuhozsMSS. 
in Madrid Acad, of Hist. Ixxxi., fol. 84. 

1539. Fray Marcos de Nizza to Cibola. Muhoz 
AfSS.; Ramusio ; Ternaux-Compans ; Doc, 
inid. (Pacheco), iii. 325, 351. 

1539. Coronado to Cibola. (See chap, vii.) 

1539. Hernando de Soto. (See chap, iv.) 

1540. Melchior Diaz. (See chap, vii.) 
1540. Hernando de Alvarado and Juan de Pa- 

dilla to the South Sea. Doc. inid. (Pacheco), 
iii. 511 ; B. Smith, 65. (See chap, vii.) 

1540. Gomez Ariaz and Diego Maldonado along 
Gulf of Mexico. Garci lasso de la Vega, La 
Florida del Inca. 

1541. Coronado to Tiguex. Doc. inid. (Pa- 
checo), iii. 363; xiii. 261. (See chap, vii.) 

1548. Juan de Tolosa, one of the captains serv- 
ing under Cortes. 



1 See Amer. Antiq. Soc, Proc.^ October, 1857, and October, 1878. 

* No attempt is made to establish a theory in another recent compendium, Shipp's De Soto and Florida 
ch. vii. 



504 



NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 



1554. Francisco de Ibarra to Copala, New 
Biscay, etc. Doc. inid, (Pacheco), xiv. 463. 

1558. Guido de Lavazares to Panuco and 
Florida. 

1559. Tristan de Arellano to the Coast of 
Florida, and river Espiritu Santo. Doc, 
irUd. (Pacheco), iv. 136, xiii. 280. 

I. Diego Ibarra to Copala. Doc. inid. (Pa- 
checo), xiv. 553. 

». Juan Pardo to Florida. Doc, inid, (Pa- 
checo), iv. 560. 

\, Francisco Cano to New Mexico, Doc. 
inid. (Pacheco), xix. 535. 

K Juan de Orozco on New Gallicia, with 
map. Doc. inid. (Pacheco), ii. 561. 
1575. Juan de Miranda on the Country. Doc. 

inid. (Pacheco), xvi. 563. 
1581. Francisco Sanchez Chamuscado to New 
Mexico and Cibola. 

1581. Fray Francisco Ruiz among the Indians. 

1582. To New Mexico. Cartas de Indias^ 230. 
Antonio de Espejo to New Mexico. Juan 

Gonzales de Mendoza's Historia del Reino 
dt China, Madrid, 1589; De Laet's Noinis 
Orbis. 

Crist6bal Martin to New Mexico. Doc. 
inid. (Pacheco), xvi. 277. 
1584. Antonio de Espcjo's continued discov- 
eries. Doc. inid. (Pacheco), xv. 151. 

1589. Juan Battista de Lomas Colmenares 
agrees to settle New Mexico. Doc. inid. 
(Pacheco), xv. 54. 

1590. Caspar Castafio de Sosa, Governor of 
New Leon, to New Mexico. Doc. in€d. 
(Pacheco), iv. 283; xv. 191. 

1596. Sebastian Viscaino on the Coast. 

1598. Juan de Ofiate to New Mexico. Busta- 
mante, Los Tres Sighs de Mixico ; Doc. inid. 
(Pacheco), xvi. 88, 306, 316-320. Of his 
expedition to the Pueblo of Acomo, Luis 



Tribaldo of Toledo sent an account to Hak- 
luyt in 1603, and extracts from it are pub- 
lished in De Laet's Nowis Orbis, 
1599. Juan de Humafla to Quivira. 

Others are noted from 1600 to 1783. Captain 
George M. Wheeler, U. S. Geological Survey, is 
preparing a Chronology of the Voyages and 
Explorations to the West Coast and the interior 
of North America between 1500 and i8oa 

The alleged expedition of Peiialosa to Qui- 
vira is placed about 1662. The accounts of it 
depend on a Relacion del descubrimiento del Pais 
y Ciudad de Quivira echo por D. Diego Dionisio 
de Pehaloscy escrita por el Padre Fr. Nicolas de 
Freytas (1684). In 1882 there were two anno- 
tated renderings of this narrative, — one by Duro, 
mentioned at the beginning of this note, who dis- 
credits the journal and gives other documents on 
the same theme ; the other, an English version, 
was issued under the title. The expedition of Don 
Diego Dionisio de Pehalosa,from Santa Fi to the 
river Mischipi and Quivira in 1662, as described 
by Father Nicholas de Freytas. With an account 
of Pehalosd's projects to aid the French to conquer 
the mining country in Northern Mexico ; and his 
connection with Cavelier de la Salle. By John 
Gilmary Shea, New York, 1882. 

Dr. Shea in this volume claims that Quivira 
was north of the Missouri, while it has gener- 
ally been placed south of that river. He also 
derives from this narrative an opinion, contrary 
to the one ordinarily received, namely, that La 
Salle was carried, against his will, beyond the 
mouths of the Mississippi in his expedition of 
1682 ; for he judges his over-shooting the mouths 
was intentional, in order to land where he could 
better co-operate with Peiialosa in wresting the 
mines in New Mexico from the Spaniards. 



CHAPTER VIII. 

PIZARRO, AND THE CONQUEST AND SETTLEMENT OF 

PERU AND CHILI. 

BY CLEMENTS R. MARKHAM, F.R.S. 

Honorary Secrttary of th* Hakluyt Society. 

WHEN the Isthmus of Darien was discovered by Vasco Nufiez de 
Balb6a, during the six years between 1511 and 15 17, there can 
be little doubt that tidings, perhaps only in the form of vague rumors, 
were received of the greatness and the riches of the Empire of the Yncas. 
The speech which the son of the Cacique Comogre is said to have made 
to the gold-seeking followers of the discoverer of the South Sea most 
probably had reference to Peru ; and still more certainly, when the Ca- 
cique of Tumaco told Vasco Nufiez of the country far to the south which 
abounded in gold, and moulded the figure of a llama in clay, he gave 
tidings of the land of the Yncas. There was a chief in the territory to 
the south of the Gulf of San Miguel, on the Pacific coast, named Biru, 
and this country was visited by Caspar de Morales and Francisco Pizarro 
in 15 1 5. For the next ten years Biru was the most southern land known 
to the Spaniards ; and the consequence was that the unknown regions far- 
ther south, including the rumored empire abounding in gold, came to be 
designated as BirUy or Peru. It was thus that the land of the Yncas got 
the name of Peru from the Spaniards, some years before it was actually 
discovered.^ 

Pedro Arias de Avila, the governor of the mainland called Castilla del 
Oro, founded the city of Panamd. He went there from the Pearl Islands, 
in the vessels which had been built by his victim Vasco Nufiez, while 
Caspar de Espinosa, the Alcalde Mayor, led the rest of the colony by land. 
The city was founded in 15 19. The governor divided the land among 
four hundred settlers from Darien. Among them were Pascual de Anda- 
goya, Hernando Luque (a priest), Francisco Pizarro, and Diego de Almagro. 
Nombre de Dios, on the Atlantic side of the isthmus, was settled towards 

1 [C£. Markham's Royal Commentary of G. (1529), and that his delineations of the coast of 

de la Vega, vol. i. chap. iv. Kohl says that the Peru were made probably after Pizarro 's first 

name "Peru" first occurs in Ribcro's map reports. — Ed] 
VOL. II. — 64. 



506 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 

the end of the same year by a captain named Diego Alviles, in obedience 
to orders from Pedro Arias.^ 

In the year 1522 Pascual de Andagoya, who had come out to Darien 
with Pedro Arias in 15 14 and was a cavalier of good family from the 
province of Alava, was appointed inspector-general of the Indians on the 
isthmus. He made a journey to a district called Chuchama, south of 
the Gulf of San Miguel, where the chief told him that a certain people 
from a province called Biru, farther south, came to make war upon them, 
in canoes at every full moon. Andagoya sent to Panamd for reinforce- 
ments, in order to comply with the prayer of the people of Chuchama that 
he would defend them, as well as to discover what there was farther south. 
Having received an addition to his forces, he set out with the chief of 
Chuchama, and in six days arrived at the province called Biru. It had 
already been visited by Morales and Pizarro. After capturing their princi- 
pal stronghold, several chiefs of Biru made their submission to Andagoya. 
From these people he collected information respecting the great empire 
of the Yncas, and he then descended a river and continued the examina- 
tion of the coast in a small vessel which had followed him from Chuchama. 
But he was attacked by a severe illness caused by having been capsized in 
a canoe, and then kept for several hours in his wet clothes. He therefore 
returned to Panamd, to report the knowledge he had acquired, giving up 
his intention of conducting discovery to the southward in person. It was 
fully three years before Andagoya had so far recovered as to be able to 
ride on horseback. 

The governor, Pedro Arias, therefore requested Andagoya to hand over 
the enterprise to three partners who formed a company at Panamd. These 
were Pizarro, Almagro, and Luque. 

Francisco Pizarro was born about the year 1470^ in the province of Es- 
tremadura, and was the illegitimate son of Gonzalo Pizarro, a soldier who 
had served under the Great Captain in Italy. He had arrived at Darien 
in the expedition of Alonzo de Ojeda in 1509. During fifteen years he 
had been diligently serving as a brave, steady, much-enduring man-at- 
arms ; and on two or three occasions he found himself in important and 
responsible positions. In 1524 he was a citizen of Panamd with very 
limited means, but endowed with indomitable energy and perseverance, 
and fifty-four years of age. Diego Almagro is said to have been a found- 
ling. At all events his parentage is unknown. He had probably served 
for some years on the isthmus, but his name does not occur until he entered 
into this partnership. Almagro is described as a man of short stature, with 
a very plain face, and was at least as old as Pizarro. He was hasty in 
temper, but generous and warm-hearted, and his fine qualities attracted to 

' Nombre de Dios was abandoned on account ^ [Authorities do not agree on the date of his 

of its unhealthy situation, in the reign of Philip birth, placing it between the years 1470 and 1478 

II., and Puerto Bello then became the chief port Prescott, i. 204. Harrisse, Bibl. Amer, Vet.^ p. 

on the Atlantic side. 317. — Ed.] 



PIZARRO, AND THE CONQUEST OF PERU AND CHILI. 507 

him many faithfully attached adherents. Luque had been schoolmaster 
at Darien, and was now the principal parochial clergyman at Panamd, hold- 
ing valuable property on the adjacent island of Taboga, and in an influential 
position in the colony. 

Pizarro was to command the expedition; Almagro was to keep open 
communications with Fanamd and bring supplies; while Luque acted as 
agent, and obtained the needful funds. 

One of the small vessels which had been built for Vasco Nufiez was 
obtained, and a force of eighty men (one hundred and twelve, according to 
Xeres) and four horses was collected. Pizarro prepared to sail with this 
single vessel and two canoes, having received all the information and 
instructions that Andagoya could give him, and taking with him the inter- 
preters brought from Biru by that officer. It was arranged that large trees 
near the sea-shore should be blazed, as guides to the course taken by 
Pizarro, when his partner Almagro should follow with supplies. 

Pizarro sailed from Panamd Nov. 14, 1524, and after enduring terrible 
sufferings on the coast of Biru, including famine, and losing twenty-seven 
of his men, he went back to Chuchama, and sent the treasurer Nicolas de 
Ribera to Panamd with the gold which he had collected. Meanwhile 
Almagro had followed in another vessel with provisions, and went on the 
traces of his companion by means of the trees that had been marked, 
until he reached the Rio San Juan in 4^ north. Finding no further traces 
of Pizarro he returned, having lost an eye in an encounter with natives. 
He also lost upwards of seventy men ; ^ but he obtained some gold. 

After this failure it was more difficult to obtain money and recruits 
for a second attempt. Fortunately, the Alcalde Mayor^ who was impressed 
with the promising character of the undertaking, came forward with the 
necessary funds, which he advanced through the agency of Luque. Caspar 
de Espinosa thus became one of the partners. The agreement between 
the partners was signed March 10, 1526. Luque signed as the agent 
of Espinosa. Pizarro and Almagro could neither read nor write. One 
Juan de Pares signed on the part of Pizarro, and Alvaro del Quiro for 
Almagro. 

The second expedition sailed in 1526. It consisted of two vessels 
commanded by Pizarro and Almagro respectively, with a very able and 
gallant sailor named Bartolom6 Ruiz, of Moguer, as pilot. There were 
one hundred and sixty men all told. The adventurers made direct for the 
river of San Juan, the farthest point reached by Almagro during the pre- 
vious voyage. Here Pizarro landed with his troops. Almagro returned to 
Panamd in one vessel, for recruits and provisions, while Ruiz proceeded on 
a voyage of discovery to the southward in the other. 

Ruiz made a remarkable voyage, having rounded Cape Passado and 
reached 1° south. He was thus the first European to cross the equator 

* [His followers probably numbered about a Father Naharro, at one hundred and twenty- 
hundred. Herrera places them as low as eighty ; nine. Prescott, i. 211. — Ed.] 



5o8 



NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 




NATIVE RArrs, 



on the southern passage. He also fell in with a raft under sail, which be- 
longed to Tumbez in Peru, and thus obtained several curious specimens 

of Ynca art, and some 
additional informa- 
tion. Almagro made 
a prosperous voyage 
back to Panamd, and 
returned with sup- 
plies. 

Pizarro had been 
left on a forest-cov- 
ered, fever- haunted 
coast, which has 
changed very little 
from that day to this. 
Hoping to find a bet- 
ter country inland, 
he undertook long 
marches through the 
tangled forest; but 
many of his men per- 
ished, and his party 
returned to the coast, suffering from disease and famine. In this sorry 
plight the all-enduring Pizarro was found, when Atmagro and Ruiz 
returned. 

Almagro had found a new governor installed at Panami. Pedro de 
los Rios had superseded Pedro Arias, who was transferred to Nicaragua, 
where he died in 1532. With the new governor's sanction, about eighty re- 
cruits were collected, and with these and a fresh supply of stores Almagro 
returned to the Rio de San Juan. 

The two partners then embarked, and under the guidance of the pilot 
Ruiz they advanced along the coast as far as Atacames. They were now 
in the province of Quito, a part of the Ynca empire. Here were large 
towns, much ground under cultivation, and a formidable array of well- 
armed troops to oppose their depredations. It was evident that the 
Spanish force was too weak to make a successful settlement. Pizarro 
proposed a return; Almagro opposed him, and there was a violent quarrel, 
which was outwardly reconciled, leaving a permanent feeling of suppressed 
jealousy and ill-will on both sides. Finally it was resolved that Pizarro and 
part of the force should remain on the island of Gallo, which had been dis- 
covered by Ruiz in 1° 57' north, while Almagro should return once more for 
recruits. The arrangements caused much discontent. The men complained 
that they were being left to starve. Some wrote letters home to Panami, 

' (Thi» is Bentoni's iketch of the rafti and of the northern parts of Soath America. Edi 
boats used by ibe native on the PactSc coast lion of IJ71, p. 165. — Ed.] 



PIZARRO, AND THE CONQUEST OF PERU AND CHILI. 509 



full of complaints, which were seized by Almagro. One, however, named 
Saravia, concealed a note in a large ball of cotton sent as a present to the 
governor's wife. It con- 
tained the following 
lines : — 

" Pues Seflor GoberHador, 
Mfrelo bien por entero. 
Que alld va el recogedor, 
I Y acd queda el camicero." ^ 

Pizarro, soon after 
Almagro's departure, 
sent off the other ship 
with the most mutinous 
of his followers. But 
the governor, Los Rios, 
was much incensed at 
the result of the expe- 
dition. He refused to 

1 Helps translates them : — 

** My good Lord Governor, 
Have pity on our woes : 
For here remains the butcher, 
To Panami the salesman goes." 

Prescott {Peru, vol. i. p. 257) 
has thus rendered them into 
English ; — 

" Look out, Seftor Governor, 
For the drover while he 's near; 
Since he goes home to get the sheep 
For the butcher, who stays here." 

■^ [This map and map No. 2 
show the modern geography. 
The development of the cartog- 
raphy of Peru may be traced in 
Ramusio (1556) in the map of 
the parts of the world newly dis- 
covered; in Ortelius (1584 and 
1 592) and De Bry, part iii. ( 1 592, 
a map of South America cor- 
rected in 1624) ; in Wytfiiet, 
1597 (see map on a later page) ; 
in Van Baerle's edition of Her- 
rera (1622) ; in Sanson, with the 
course of the Amazon ( 1656) ; 
in Dudley's Arcano cUl mare 
(carta xxviii. 1647), for the 
coast; in Vander Aa (1679), 
and in Boudouin's translation 
of Garcilasso de la Vega, pub- 
lished at Amsterdam in 1737. 
Markham, in his Reports on the 

Discovery of Peru, gives a map showing the by Prescott, H. H. Bancroft, and Helps. The 
marches of Francisco and Hernando Pizarro, best, however, is In Markham's TVavels of Cieta 
May, 1532, to May, 1533. Other maps are given de Leon. — Ed.] 




5* 



SKETCH MAP OF THE CONQUEST OF PERU, NO. I.' 



S'o 



NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 



give any further countenance to the enterprise, and sent two vessels, under 
the command of Don Pedro Tafur, of Cordova, to Gallo, with orders to take 
every Spaniard off the island and bring them back to Panamd. Meanwhile 
Pizarro and his people were suffering from famine and disease, and from the 
incessant rains. Nearly all had lost every feeling of desire for hazardous 
adventures. They longed only to be relieved from their sufferings, and 
hailed the arrival of Tafur with unconcealed joy. 

Then it was that Pizarro displayed that heroic resolution which has made 
the famous act of himself and his sixteen companions immortal. The story 
is differently told. Herrera says that Tafur stationed himself in one part of 
the vessel, and drawing a line, placed Pizarro and his soldiers on the other 
side of it. He then told those who wished to return to Panamd to come 
over to him, and those who would remain, to stay on Pizarro's side of the 
line. But Garcilasso de la Vega tells us that when Pizarro saw his men 
electing to return in the ship, he drew his sword and made a long line with 
the point along the sand. Then, turning to his men, he said, " Gentlemen ! 
This line signifies labor, hunger, thirst, fatigue, wounds, sickness, and every 
other kind of danger that must be encountered in this conquest until life is 
ended. Let those who have the courage to meet and overcome the dangers 
of this heroic achievement cross the line, in token of their resolution, and as 
a testimony that they will be my faithful companions. And let those who 
feel unworthy, return to Panamd; for I do not wish to put force upon any 
man. I trust in God that, for his greater honor and glory, his Eternal 
Majesty will help those who remain with me, though they be few, and 
that we shall not miss those who forsake us." Of the two accounts, that of 
Garcilasso is probably nearer the truth, because it is unlikely that the 
embarkation would have taken place before the election was made. It 
would naturally be made on the beach, before going on board. Most of 
the authorities give the number of those who crossed the line at thirteen. 
Xeres, Pizarro*s secretary, says there were sixteen. Herrera gives the names 
of thirteen heroic men, Garcilasso supplying the remaining three ; and they 
deserve to be held in memory.^ 



' (a) Bartolom^ Ruiz, of Moguer, the pilot. 

(if) Pedro de Candia, a Greek, who had charge 
of Pizarro's artillery, consisting of two falconets ; 
an able and experienced officer. After the death 
of Pizarro he joined the younger Almagro, who, 
suspecting him of treachery, ran him through at 
the battle of Chupas. He left a half-caste son, 
who was at school at Cusco with Garcilasso de 
la Vega. 

(c) Crist6val de Peralta, a native of Baeza, in 
Andalusia. He was one of the first citizens of 
Lima when that city was founded, — in 1535. 

{d) Alonzo Bricefio, a native of Benavente. 
He was at the division of Atahualpa's ransom, 
and received the share of a cavalry captain. 

if) Nicolas de Ribera, the treasurer, was one 
of the first citizens of Lima in 1 535. He passed 



through all the stormy period of the civil wars 
in Peru. He deserted from Gonzalo Pizarro to 
the side of the president, Gasca, and was after- 
wards captain of the Guard of the Royal Seal. 
He is said to have founded the port of San Gal- 
Ian, the modern Pisco. Ribera was bom at 
Olvera, in Andalusia, of good family. He event- 
ually settled near Cusco, and died, leaving chil- 
dren to inherit his estates. 

(/) Juan de la Torre, a native of Benavente. 
in Old Castile. He was a stanch adherent of 
Gonzalo Pizarro, and was at the battle of Ana- 
quito, where he showed ferocious enmity against 
the ill-fated viceroy, Blasco NuRez de Vela. He 
married a daughter of an Indian chief near Puerto 
Viejo, and acquired great wealth. After the 
battle of Sacsahaana, in 1548, he was hanged by 



PIZARRO, AND THE CONQUEST OF PERU AND CHILI. 511 

Nothing could shake the resolution of Pizarro. He would not return 
until he had achieved greatness, and he found sixteen good men and true 
to stand by him in his great need. They removed from Gallo to the island 
of Gorgona, where there was some game and better water ; while the others 
returned with Tafur to Panamd. 

The governor looked upon Pizarro*s conduct as an act of madness, and 
refused all succor ; but at length yielding to the entreaties of Luque and 
Almagro, he allowed one vessel to be sent to Gorgona, with strict orders 
to return in six months. So a small vessel was fitted out under the com- 
mand of the pilot Ruiz, and after seven weary months the little forlorn 
hope at Gorgona descried the white sail, and joyfully welcomed their friends 
with a supply of food and stores. Full of hope, Pizarro and his gallant 
friends embarked; and the expert Ruiz, guided by information obtained 
from the Peruvian sailors on the raft, made direct for the Gulf of Guayaquil, 
performing the voyage in twenty days. The year 1527 was now well 
advanced. Anchoring off the island of Santa Clara, they stood across to 
the town of Tumbez on the following day. Here they saw the undoubted 
signs of a great civilization, betokening the existence of a powerful empire. 
Their impressions were confirmed by a subsequent cruise along the Peruvian 
coast as far as Santa, in 9° south latitude. They learned enough to justify 
a return to Panamd with the report of a great discovery, the importance of 
which would justify an application to the Spanish Government for some 
valuable concession to Pizarro and his partners. Pizarro took with him, 
from Tumbez, a lad who was to act as interpreter, — called Felipillo by 
the Spaniards, — and also a few llamas. He then made the best of his 

order of the president, Gasca. He was a citizen (n) Diego de Truxillo ( Alonzo, according 

of Arequipa, and left descendants there. to Zarate). He was afterwards personally known 

Ig) Francisco de Cuellar, a native of Cuellar ; to Garcilasso at Cusco. He appears to have 

but nothing more is known of him. written an account of the discovery of Peru, 

{A) Alonzo de Molina, a native of Ubeda. He which is still in manuscript. Antonio, ii. 645; 

afterwards landed at Tumbez, where it was ar- also, Z^on Pinelo, 

ranged that he should remain until Pizarro's (o) Alonzo Ribera (or Geronimo) was settled 

return ; but he died in the interval. at Lima, where he had children. 

(1) Domingo de Soria Luce, a native of the (/) Francisco Rodriguez de Villa Fuerte was 

Basque Provinces, probably of Guipuzcoa; but the first to cross the line drawn by Pizarro. He 

nothing more is known of him. was afterwards a citizen of Cusco, having been 

(y) Pedro Alcon. He afterwards landed on present at the siege by the Ynca Manco, and at 

the coast of Peru, fell in love with a Peruvian the battle of Salinas. Garcilasso knew him, and 

lady, and refused to come on board again. So once rode with him from Cusco to Quispicanchi, 

the pilot Ruiz was obliged to knock him down when he recounted many reminiscences of his 

with an oar, and he was put in irons on the lower stirring life. He was still living at Cusco in 1 560, 

deck. Nothing more is known of him. a rich and influential citizen. [Mr. Markham has 

(i) Garcia de Jerez (or Jaren). He appears given the number as sixteen in his Reports on the 

to have made a statement on the subject of the Discovery of Peru, p. 8, together with his reasons 

heroism of Pizarro and his companions, Aug. for it, which do not commend themselves, how- 

3, 1529, at Panami. Documentos in^ditos, torn, ever, to Kirk, the editor of Prescott (History 0/ 

xxvi. p. 260, quoted by Helps, vol. iii. p. 446. the Conquest of Peru ^ edition of 1879, »• 303)* 

(/) Anton dc Carrion. Nothing further is Helps dismisses the story of the line as the 

known of him. melodramatic effort of a second-rate imagina- 

{m) Martin de Paz. Nothing further is known tion. Cf. also Markham's Travels of Cieza dt 

of him. Leon, p. 419. — Ed.] 



5'2 



NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 



way back to Panam^ ) and it was agreed that he should proceed to Spain 
and make a direct application to the Crown for authority to undertake the 
conquest of the empire of the Yncas. In the spring of 1528, after having 
collected the necessary funds with much difficulty, Pizarro set out for Spain, 
accompanied by Pedro de Candia. Luque and Almagro waited at Panamd 
for the result. 

Francisco Pizarro was well received by the Emperor Charles V. in an 
interview at Toledo; but the sovereign set out for Italy immediately 
afterwards, and subsequent arrangements were made with the Govern- 
ment of the queen-mother. The capitulation was signed on the 26th 
of July, 1539. Pizarro was appointed captain- general and adelantado, and 
was decorated with the order of Santiago. He was also granted a coat- 
of-arms, and thirteen out of the sixteen who crossed the line at Gallo 
were ennobled by name. Almagro was made governor of Tumbez, and 
afterwards received the title of marshal. Luque was to be bishop of 
Tumbez, and protector of the Indians. Ruiz received the title of grand 
pilot of the South Sea. Candia was appointed commander of the artil- 
lery. Pizarro visited Estremadura, and from his home took back with 

him to Peru his 
four brothers. Her- 
nando, the eld- 
est and only legiti- 
mate son of his 
father, was a big 
tall man, with thick 
lips and very red 
nose, brave and 
proud, with an un- 
compromising tem- 
per, and ruthlessly 
cruel. Juan and 
Gonzalo were ille- 
gitimate, like Fran- 
cisco, and Fran- 
cisco Martin de 
Alcantara was a uterine brother. His young cousin Pedro Pizarro, the 
future historian, then only fifteen, went out as the conqueror's page; Fray 
Vicente de Valverde. a fanatical Dominican, also went out; and Pizarro 
set sail from San Lucar. on the igth of January, 1530. On arriving at 
Panami, he was upbraided by Almagro for not having attended fairly 
to his (Almagro's) interests, while careful to secure everything for himself 
From that time the old partners were never really friends, and there was 

' IFac-aimileof aculmade to dodulyinvari- in Ihis case from fol. 23 of De Wonderlijikt cndt 
ous connecliona in Antwerp publications of Ihe vxtrmhtight HiUerii (Zaiale), published by Wil 
last half of the sixleenth century. It is copied lem Silvius in 1573. — Ed.J 




PIZARRO, AND THE CONQUEST OF PERU AND CHILI. 513 



Zur Entdeckiing wn 
durch Pizarro 




PIZABRO'S DISCOVERIES.^ 



* [The map given in Ruge's Ztilaller dtr Enldiciungen, p. 436. — Ed,J 
VOL. n. — 65. 



5*4 



NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 



ill-concealed enmity between Almagro and Hernando Pizarro. Meanwhile 
preparations for the expedition were busily proceeded with at Panami; 
and, as on former occasions, Almagro was to follow with supplies and re- 
inforcements. 

Pizarro sailed from Panama on the 28th of December, 1531, with three 
small vessels carrying one hundred and eighty-three men and thirty-seven 
horses. In thirteen days he arrived at the bay of San Mateo, where he 
landed the horses and soldiers to march along the shore, sending back the 
ships to get more men and horses at Panamd and Nicaragua. They returned 
with twenty-six horses and thirty more men. With this force Pizarro 
continued his march along the sea-coast, which was well peopled ; and on 

arriving at the bay of 
Guayaquil, he crossed 
over in the ships to 
the island of Puna. 
Here a devastating 
war was waged with 
the unfortunate na- 
tives, and from Puna 
the conqueror pro- 
ceeded again in his 
ships to the Peruvian 
town of Tumbez. The 
country was in a state 
of confusion, owing to 
a long and desolating 
war of succession be- 
tween Huascar and 
Atahualpa, the two 
sons of the great Ynca 
Huayna Capac, and 
was thus an easy prey to the invaders. Huascar had been defeated and 
made prisoner by the generals of his brother, and Atahualpa was on his 
way from Quito to Cusco, the capital of the empire, to enjoy the fruits of 
his victory. He was reported to be at Caxamarca, on the eastern side 
of the mountains ; and Pizarro, with his small force, set out from Tumbez 
on the i8th of May, 1532. 

The coast of Peru is a rainless region of desert, crossed at intervals by 
fertile valleys which follow the courses of the streams from the Andes to the 
sea. Parallel with this coast region, to the eastward, is the sierra, or moun- 
tainous country of the corditUras of the Andes, the cradle and centre of the 
civilized tribes of Peru. Still farther to the eastward are the great rivers 
and vast forests or montaiUt of the basin of the Amazons.^ Thus the length 

■ [Benzoni's sketch o( the native habitations on ih 
p, 161. — En] * See IheM 




NATIVE mnS IN TREES.' 



PIZARRO, AND THE CONQUEST OF PERU AND CHILI. 515 




EL Inga. Atahvalpa ultimo K.ZY. 



of Peru is divided into three very different and distinctly marked regions, — 
the coast, the sierra, and the montaiia. 

The first part of Pizarro's march was southward from Tumbez, in the 
rainless coast region. After crossing a vast desert he came to Tangarara, 
in the fertile valleys of the Chira, where he founded the city of San Miguel, 
the site of which was afterwards removed to the valley of Piura. The 

1 (From Henera{i7i3), vol. iii.p.5. Quaritch marginal engravings in the border of (he frontis- 

in \%^a{CiUalogue, 259, no. 651) held at ^f 105 the piece of Herreta'a fifth and sixth Decades, and 

oiiginaJ oit paintings from which the likenesses copied in the edition of Barcia, who throws dis- 

of ihirtGGn Incas in Herreia's Hiihos de loi Cm- credit on the engravings which De Bry had given. 

ttllanos were engraved, in 1599, with an eitia These last are reproduced in Tschudi's Antique- 

one of Atahual pa, which was not given in Her- dadn Pemanas. Cf. Cataifgut of Gallery of Iht 

Mia. The previous thirteen arc given in small New York Historical SocUly, No. 378. — ED.i 



516 



NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 



accountant Antonio Navarro and the royal treasurer Riquelme were left 
in command at San Miguel, and Pizarro resumed his march in search of the 
Ynca Atahualpa on the 24th of September, IS32. He detached the gallant 
cavalier, Hernando de Soto, into the sierra of Huancabamba, to recon- 
noitre, and pacify the country, De Soto rejoined the main body after an 
absence of about ten days. The brother of Atahualpa, named Titu 

Atauchi, arrived as an en- 
voy, with presents, and a 
message to the effect that 
the Ynca desired friend- 
ship with the strangers. 

Crossing the vast des- 
ert of Sechura, Pizarro 
reached the fertile valley 
of Motupe, and marched 
thence to the foot of the 
Cordilleras in the valley of 
the Jequetepeque, Here 
he rested for a day or two, 
to arrange the order for 
the ascent. He took with 
him forty horses and sixty 
foot, instructing Hernan- 
do de Soto to follow him 
with the main body and 
the baggage. News ar- 
rived that the Ynca Ata- 
hualpa had reached the 
ATAHUALPA.' neighborhood of Caxa- 

marca about three days 
before, and that he desired peace. Pizarro pressed forward, crossed the 
Cordillera, and on Friday, the isth of November, 1532, he entered Caxa- 
marca with his whole force. Here he found excellent accommodation in 
the large masonry buildings, and was well satisfied with the strategic posi- 
tion. Atahualpa was established in a large camp outside, where Hernando 
de Soto had an interview with him. Atahualpa announced his intention 
of visiting the Christian commander, and Pizarro arranged and perpetrated 
a black act of treachery. He kept all his men under arms. The Ynca, 
suspecting nothing, came into the great square, walking in grand regal 
procession. He was suddenly attacked and made prisoner, and his people 
were massacred. 

' |Fac-simile of the copper-plwe in the Eng- Spanish soldiers hustling the wailing women 

li»h edition of Thevet's Paurtraiturei and Livfs oul of the hall while the funeral riles over A(» 

appended to North's Plutarch. Cambridge, Eng- hualpa were in progress, is heliolyped in the 

land, 1676. p. 66. A somewhat famous picture second volume of Hutchinson's Thm Yeart n« 

by a Peruvian artist, Monteros, representing the Peru. — Ed,] 




PIZARRO, AND THE CONQUEST OF PERU AND CHILI. 517 

The Ynca offered a ransom, which he described as gold enough to fill a 
room twenty-two feet long and seventeen wide, to a height equal to a man's 
stature and a half. He undertook to do this in two months, and sent 
orders for the collection of golden vases and ornaments in all parts of the 
empire.^ Soon the treasure began to arrive, while Atahualpa was deceived 
by false promises ; and he beguiled his captivity by acquiring Spanish and 
learning to play at chess and cards. 

Meanwhile Pizarro sent an expedition under his brother Hernando, to 
visit the famous temple of Pachacamac on the coast; and three soldiers 
were also despatched to Cusco, the capital of the empire, to hurry for- 
ward the treasure. They set out in February, 1533,- but behaved with so 
much imprudence and insolence at Cusco as to endanger their own lives 
and the success of their mission. Pizarro therefore ordered two officers 
of distinction, Hernando de Soto and Pedro del Barco, to follow them and 
remedy the mischief which they were doing. On Easter eve, being the 
14th of April, 1533, Almagro arrived at Caxamarca with a reinforcement 
of one hundred and fifty Spaniards and eighty-four horses. 

On the 3d of May it was ordered that the gold already arrived should be 
melted down for distribution; but another large instalment came on the 
14th of June. An immense quantity consisted of slabs, with holes at the 
corners, which had been torn off tiTe walls of temples and palaces ; and 
there were vessels and ornaments of all shapes and sizes. After the royal 
fifth had been deducted, the rest was divided among the conquerors. The 
total sum of 4,605,670 ducats would be equal to about ;^3, 500,000 of modern 
money .^ After the partition of the treasure, the murder of the Ynca was 
seriously proposed as a measure of good policy. The crime was committed 
by order of Pizarro, and with the concurrence of Almagro and the friar 
Valverde.^ It was expected that the sovereign's death would be followed 
by the dispersion of his army, and the submission of the people. This 
judicial murder was committed in the square of Caxamarca on the 29th 
of August, 1533. Hernando de Soto was absent at the time, and on his 
return he expressed the warmest indignation. Several other honorable 



^ [Accounts of the space to be filled differ. 
Cf. Prescott*s /Vrw, i. 422; Humboldt's Views of 
Nature (Bohn*s ed.), 410, 430. — Ed.] 

2 [Prescott {History of the Conquest of Peru ^ 
1* 453) enters into an explanation of his con- 
version of the money of Ferdinand and Isabel- 
la's time into modern equivalents, and cites 
an essay on this point by Clemencin in vol vi. 
of the Memoirs of the Royal Academy of His- 
tory at Madrid. — Ed.] 

' [Atahualpa was hurriedly tried on the 
charge of assassinating Huascar and conspiring 
against the Spaniards. Oviedo speaks of the 
" villany " of the transaction. Cf . Prescott, His- 
tory of the Conquest of Peruy vol. i. p. 467. Piza^ 
re's secretary, Xeres, palliates the crime as being 



committed upon " the greatest butcher that the 
world ever saw." 

Prescott {Peru, ii. 473, 480) prints several 
of the contemporary accounts of the seizure 
and execution of Atahualpa. He says that 
Garcilasso de la Vega "has indulged in the 
romantic strain to an unpardonable extent in his 
account of the capture ; . . . yet his version has 
something in it so pleasing to the imagination, 
that it has ever found favor with the majority of 
readers. The English student might have met 
with a sufficient corrective in the criticism of 
the sagacious and sceptical Robertson." There 
are the usual stories of a comet at the time of 
the death of the Ynca. Cf. Humboldt, yieivs 
of Naturey pp. 41 1, 429. — Ed.) 



JlS NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 




tl Aiblantaao Dm DiEGO dc AlMAGKO 
Capitan, LiberQ.tiJfiTn.o . 



cavaliers protested against the execution. Their names are even more 
worthy of being remembered than those of the heroic sixteen who crossed 
the hne on the sea-shore at Gallo.^ 

to defend (he staircase against the assassins of 
PixaiTi). Zarate says thai when he died he was 
the most imporlanl personage in Peru, next to 

(f) Diego de Chaves, brother of Francisco, 
whose wife, Maria de Escobar, introduced the 



' [From Herrera (1718) vol. ii. p. 285. An 
original manuscript letter of Almagro. Jan. i, 
'535' addressed to the Emperor, and asking for 
a province beyond Pizarru's, is noted in Stevens, 
Biblielkeca gesgraphica, no. 109. — ED.] 

" They are as follows : — 

(a) Hernando de Soto, the explorer of cultivation of wheat into Peru. 
Florida and discoverer of the Mississippi <,d\ Francisco de Fuentes, in (he list of those 

I*) Francisco de Chaves, a native of Truxillo. who shared the ransom. 
He was murdered at Lima, in 1541, in attempting {e) Pedro dc Ayala, 







,^^^^ * 



SKETCH MAP OF THE CONQUEST OF PERU. No. 2. 



' Pizarro at first set up a son of Atahualpa as his successor; but the boy 
died within two months. A more important matter was the despatch of the 
treasure to Spain, with tidings of the conquest. The first ship, laden with 

(/) Diego dc Mora, afterwards settled at (A) Hernando de Haro, taken prisoner by 

Truxillo on the coast of Peru. The president, the Vnca Titu Atauchi, but treated kindly. 



Gasca made him a captain of cavalry, and he 
was subsequently corregidor of Lima. 
(c) Francisco Moscoso. 



(/) Pedro de Mendoza, in the list of those 
who shared the ransom. 

(/) Juan de Rada, a stanch follower of 



520 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 

Peruvian gold, arrived at Seville on the 5th of December, 1534. The second 
ship followed in January, having on board, besides the treasure, Hernando 
Pizarro, the conqueror's brother. The excitement caused by these arrivals 
was intense ; and there was an eager desire among adventurers, both of high 
and low degree, to become settlers in this land of promise. 

In September Pizarro began his march from Caxamarca to Cusco, the 
capital of the empire, with five hundred Spaniards and about one hundred 
and fifty horses. The artilleryman Candia had charge of two falconets. 
The march was along the lofty valleys and over the passes of the sierra^ 
by Huamachuco, Hudnuco, Xauxa, and Huamanga. The rear-guard was 
attacked by Titu Atauchi, brother of Atahualpa, with six thousand men ; 
and eight Spaniards were taken prisoners, among them Francisco de Chaves 
and Hernando de Haro, who had protested against the murder of the Ynca 
Atahualpa, and Sancho de Cuellar, who had been clerk to the court at the 
mock trial. They were taken to Caxamarca, which had been abandoned 
by the Spaniards. Chaves and Haro were treated with the greatest kind- 
ness. Cuellar was strangled on the spot where Atahualpa was put to death. 
Hernando de Soto and Almagro led the van of the Spanish army, and 
they had to fight a well-contested battle beyond the Apurimac, with a native 
army led by one of the generals of Atahualpa. Leaving a garrison at Xauxa, 
Pizarro followed more leisurely ; and on forming a junction with Almagro 
on the great plain of Sacsahuana, near Cusco, he perpetrated another 
great crime. Challcuchima, one of Atahualpa's ablest generals, who had 
been taken prisoner, was burned alive. Soon afterward the Ynca Manco, 
son of Huayna Capac, and the rightful heir to the sovereignty, arrived at 
the Spanish camp to make his submission and claim protection. His rights 
were recognized ; and on the 15th of November, 1533, the conqueror 
Pizarro entered the city of Cusco in company with the rightful sovereign. 
The Ynca Manco was inaugurated with the usual ceremonies and rejoic- 
ings; but in March, 1534, his beloved city of Cusco was converted into a 
Spanish town, and a municipality was established. The palaces and spa- 
cious halls were appropriated as churches and private houses of the con- 
querors. The Dominicans received the great Temple of the Sun as their 
monastery ; and Friar Valverde, who became the first bishop of Cusco, in 
1538, took the spacious palace of the Ynca Uira-ccocha, in the great 
square, for his cathedral. 

It was not long before the fame of the riches of Peru brought more 
conquerors to seek for a share of the spoils. In March, 1534, Pedro de 
Alvarado, one of the conquerors of Mexico, landed at Puerto Viejo, close 

Almagro. He . accompanied his chief on his He settled at Tnixillo ; and his daughter Inez 

expedition to Chili, and avenged his death by accompanied Pedro de Ursua in 1560 in his ill- 

the assassination of Pizarro. fated expedition to discover £1 Dorado. His son 

(k) Alonzo de Avila. Bias was a friar, who published a book called 

(/) Bias de Atienza was the second man Relacion de los Religiosos, at Lima, in 161 7. 
who ever embarked on the Pacific, when he [Cf. alsc note in Markham's Reports on tht 

served under Vasco NuRez de Balb6a in 1513. Discovery 0/ Peru^ 'p, 10^ — Ed.] 



PIZARRO, AND THE CONQUEST OF PERU AND CHILI. 52I 




to the equator, with five hundred Spaniards, half of whom were mounted. 
Among them was the noble cavalier Garcilasso de la Vega, father of the 
future historian. After suffering dreadful hardships in passing through the 
forests of the coast, the adventurers reached Kiobamba, with a loss of one 
VOL. II. — 66. 



522 



NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 



fourth of their number, Pizarro, leaving a garrison of ninety men under 
his brother Juan at Cusco, proceeded to the sea-coast, where he had an inter- 
view with Alvarado at Pachacamac. It was agreed that Alvarado should 
return to his government of Guatemala, while many of his surviving follow- 
ers attached themselves to the fortunes of Pizarro. 

The conqueror now resolved to fix the principal seat of his government 
within a short distance of some convenient seaport. He finally selected 
a site in the valley of the Rimac, six miles from the shores of the Pacific 
Ocean. Here Pizarro founded the city of Lima on the festival of Epiphany, 
the 6th of January, 1 535. It was called " Ciudad de los Reyes " (the city 
of the kings) in honor of Charles V. and his mother Juana, and also in 

memory of the day. 
The city was laid out on 
a regular plan, which has 
been little altered down 
to the present time, with 
broad streets, at right an- 
gles, and a spacious square 
near the centre, one side 
of which was to be occu- 
pied by the cathedral and 
another by the palace. 
Pizarro appointed muni- 
cipal officers, collected la- 
borers, and with great 
energy pushed on the 
work of building. 
Hernando Pizarro, arriving with such welcome treasure, was very gra- 
ciously received in Spain. Charles V. confirmed all his brother's previous 
grants, and created him a marquis;'' while Almagro, with the title of 
marshal, was empowered to discover and occupy territory for two hundred 
leagues, beginning from the southern boundary of Pizarro's government. 
Hernando himself was created a knight of Santiago, and was authorized 
to enlist recruits, and equip a 6eet for his return to Peru. The return of 
Hernando was the signal for the breaking out of a feud between the old 
partners. Almagro and his friends declared that Cusco itself was to the 
south of the boundary assigned to the territory of Pizarro. The conqueror 
hurried from his work of building at Lima to Cusco, and made a solemn 
reconciliation with Almagro, by a written agreement dated June 12, 1535. 
Almagro was induced to undertake an expedition for the discovery and 

' |Fac-simile of a cjt made to do duty in * There ia no record, however, thai a spedal 

various Antwerp imprints on Peru of the latter designation for the marquisale was ever granted 

half of the sixteenth century. It is copied in to Piiarro. It is therefore an error to call him 

this case from (olio eighteen (reverse) of Di Marquis of Atahillos, as he is sometimes desig- 

fVtmderliJete endt tV-iracAti/^ht Rtstarit (Zarale), nated. He signed himself simply the Marquis 

published by Willem Silvius, 1573. — Etj.] PUarro. 




BUILDING OF A TOWN.' 



PIZARRO, AND THE CONQUEST OF PERU AND CHILI. 523 




Gabriel de. Jloicis Gcnsrwi 
ck tcL ArtOli^ia. . 



GABRIEL DE ROJAS.' 

conquest of Chili. He was accompanied by a large army of Indians, led 
by two Yncas of the blood royal ; and he had with him about two hundred 
Spaniards. He set out from Cusco in the autumn. Pizarro then returned 
to the coast, to push forward the building of Lima, and to found the cities 
of Truxillo (153s), Chachapoyas (1536), Huamanga (1539), and Arequipa 
(1540). Hernando Pizarro, on his return, was sent to join his brothers Juan 
and Gonzalo at Cusco, and to take command of that city and fortress. 

• [FaC'SimLle o£ an engraving in Herrera, of Cusco, when that town was besieged by the 

vol. iv. p. iGa He was one of the distinguished Indians. Later, as governor of Cusco for Altn^i' 

cavaliers o£ the Conquest, lo whom Mufloz — gro, he had charge of Gonialo Piiarro while he 

erroneously, as Prescott thinks — assigned ihe was held a prisoner, and had, later still, com- 

authorship of the Rihiion pTimira of Onde- mand of the artillery under Gasca. He died at 

gardo. He was distinguished at the defence Charcas. — Ed] 



524 



NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 



PAPO&O 



CALD&KA 



The Spaniards had already begun to look upon the natives as their 
slaves, and the young Ynca Manco was not only treated with neglect, but 
exposed to every kind of humiliating insult. He escaped from Cusco, and 
put himself at the head of a great army of his subjects in the valley of 

Yucay. This was a signal; and imme- 
diately the whole country was in revolt 
against the invaders. Juan Pizarro was 
driven back into Cusco, and the city 
was closely besieged by the armies of the 
Ynca from February, 1536. The be- 
siegers succeeded in setting the thatched 
roofs of the halls and palaces on fire, and 
the Spanish garrison was reduced to the 
greatest straits. The Yncas had occupied 
the fortress which commands the town, 
and Juan Pizarro was killed in an attempt 
to carry it by storm. Finally Hernando 
Pizarro himself captured the fortress, af- 
ter a heroic defence by the Ynca garrison. 
Still the close siege of the city continued, 
and the garrison was reduced to the last 
straits by famine. Month after month 
passed away without tidings. At last the 
season for planting arrived, and in August 
the Ynca was obliged to raise the siege. 

Chili, the long strip of land along the 
west coast of South America, to the south 
of Peru, thad been conquered by the 
Yncas as far as the river Maule. Beyond 
that limit were the indomitable tribes of 
Araucanian Indians. Bounded on one 
side by the cordillera of the Andes, and 
on the other by the sea, the country en- 
joys a temperate climate, suited for the 
cultivation of wheat and the rearing of 
cattle. It can be approached from Peru 
either by traversing the great desert of 
Atacama on the coast, or by marching 
over the snowy plateaus and rocky passes 
of the Andes. Almagro chose the latter 
route. The Indian auxiliaries, led by 
Paullu, the brother of Ynca Manco, and 
by the Uillac Umu, pr high-priest, marched first, carrying provisions and 
making arrangements for their supply, taking the road through the Collao 




SKETCH MAP OF THE CONQUEST 
OF CHIU. 



PIZARRO, AND THE CONQUEST OF PERU AND CHILI. 525 

and Gharcas (the modern republic of Bolivia). The Indian contingent 
was followed by one hundred Spaniards under Don Juan Saavedra; and 
this advanced party waited at Paria, in the south of Charcas, for the main 
body. This was commanded by Don Rodrigo Orgoftez, a native of Oro- 
pesa, who had served under the constable Bourbon at the sack of Rome. 
He was a brave and experienced commander, ever faithful to his chief, 
the marshal Almagro. The whole force, when united in the distant valley 
of Jujuy, consisted of five hundred Spaniards, with two hundred horses. 
The march across the Andes to Coquimbo, in Chili, during the winter of 
1536, was a time of intense suffering and hardship bravely endured; but 
it was stained by the most revolting cruelties to the people of Charcas 
and Jujuy. 

Almagro advanced from Coquimbo to the southward, and his Peruvian 
contingent suffered a defeat from an army of Promauca Indians. He was 
reinforced by Orgonez and Juan Rada, another faithful adherent, who 
brought with them the royal order appointing Almagro to be adelantado, 
or governor, of New Toledo, which was to extend two hundred leagues from 
the southern limit of Pizarro's government of New Castile. The explorers 
now desired to return and occupy this new government, which they claimed 
to include the city of Cusco itself. Almagro had arranged that three small 
vessels should sail from Callao, the port of Lima, for the Chilian coast, with 
provisions. Only one ever sailed, named the " Santiaguillo," having a cargo 
of food, clothing, and horse-shoes. She arrived in a port on the coast 
of Chili ; and when the tidings reached Almagro, he sent the gallant Juan 
de Saavedra, the leader of his vanguard, with thirty horsemen, to commu- 
nicate with her. Saavedra found the little vessel anchored in a bay sur- 
rounded by rugged hills covered with an undergrowth of shrubs, and having 
a distant view of the snowy cordillera. In some way it reminded him of 
his distant Spanish home. Saavedra was a native of the village of Valpa- 
raiso, near Cuenca, in Castile. He named the bay, where the principal 
seaport of Chili was destined to be established, Valparaiso. This was in 
September, 1536. Landing the much-needed supplies, Saavedra rejoined 
his chief, and the expedition of Almagro began its painful return journey 
by the desert of Atacama. On arriving at Arequipa, Almagro first heard 
of the great insurrection of the Yncas. Marching rapidly to Cusco, his 
lieutenant, Orgonez, defeated the Ynca Manco in the valley of Yucay; and 
Almagro entered the ancient city, claiming to be its lawful governor. 

The royal grant had given Pizarro all the territory for two hundred and 
seventy leagues southward from the river of Santiago, in 1° 20' north, and 
to Almagro two hundred leagues extending from Pizarro's southern limit. 
Herrera says that there were seventeen and one half leagues in a degree, 
rhis would bring Pizarro's boundary as far south as 14° 50', and would 
leave Cusco (13^* 30' 55" south) well within it. But neither the latitudes of 
the river Santiago nor of Cusco had been fixed, and the question was open 
to dispute. 



526 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 

Almagro seized upon Cusco on the 8th of April, 1537, and placed the 
brothers Hernando and Gonzalo Pizarro, who had defended the place 
against the Yncas, in confinement. News then came that a large body of 
men under Alonzo de Alvarado, sent by the governor Pizarro from Lima, 
was approaching Cusco. Alvarado, with about five hundred men, had 
advanced as far as the river Abancay, where he was surprised and defeated 
by Orgoiiez on the 12th of July, 1537. Meanwhile some reinforcements 
were arriving at Lima, in reply to the appeals of Pizarro for help against 
the native insurrection. 

The ecclesiastic Luque had died ; but the other partner who advanced 
the money for the original expedition, the licentiate Caspar de Espinosa, 
still lived ; and he now joined Pizarro at Lima, with a force of two hundred 
and fifty men. Cortes also despatched a vessel with supplies and military 
stores from Mexico. 

The Marquis — as Pizarro was now styled — sent an embassy to Alma- 
gro at Cusco, under the licentiate Espinosa, in the hope of settling the 
dispute amicably. Almagro, elated by his successes, was in no mood for 
moderating his demands ; and, unfortunately, Espinosa died very suddenly 
in the midst of the negotiation. It was broken off; and Almagro declared 
his intention of retaining Cusco and marching to the coast, in order to 
establish for himself a seaport. Orgoiiez had again defeated the Ynca 
Manco, dispersed his army, and forced him to take refuge, with his family 
and little court, in the mountainous fastness of Vilcabamba. Leaving 
Gonzalo Pizarro in prison at Cusco, Almagro marched to the valley of 
Chincha, on the sea-coast, taking Hernando Pizarro with him. At Chin- 
cha he began to lay out a city, to be called Almagro, which was to rival 
Lima, one hundred miles to the northward. Chincha is nearly in the 
same latitude as Cusco. 

While he was at Chincha, Almagro received news that Gonzalo Pizarro 
and Alonzo de Alvarado had escaped from their Cusco prison, and reached 
the camp of the marquis, near Lima. After some correspondence, it was 
agreed that a friar named Francisco de Bobadilla should arbitrate, and that 
Pizarro and Almagro should have a personal interview in the little town of 
Mala, near the coast, between Lima and Chincha. The meeting took place 
on the 13th of November, 1537. There was a furious altercation. They 
parted in anger; indeed Almagro, fearing treachery, rode off very hastily. 
A cavalier of Pizarro's party had hummed two lines of an old song in his 
hearing, — 

" Tiempo es el cavallero, 
Tiempo es de andar de aqui." 

It was the last time the old partners ever saw each other. The friar's 
award was that a skilful pilot should be sent to fix the latitude of the river 
of Santiago, and that meanwhile Almagro should deliver up Cusco, and 
Hernando Pizarro should be set at liberty. But in order to secure the 



PIZARRO, AND THE CONQUEST OF PERU AND CHILI. 527 

safety of his brother, the marquis made the concession that Almagro should 
hold Cusco until the boundaries were fixed. Hernando was then allowed 
to leave the camp of Almagro. 

But the marquis had no intention of allowing his rival to retain Cusco. 
Too old to take the field himself, he intrusted the command of his army to 
his brother Hernando. His rival was also broken down by age and infirm- 
ities, and Rodrigo de Orgoiiez became the actual commander of Almagro's 
forces. He retreated by short marches towards Cusco, the old marshal 
being carried in a litter, and requiring long intervals of rest. The marquis 
led his army down the coast to Yea, where he took leave of it, and re- 
turned to Lima. His brother Hernando then proceeded still farther along 
the coast to Nasca, and ascended the cordilleras by way of Lucanas, reach- 
ing the neighborhood of Cusco in April, 1538. Almagro had arrived at 
Cusco ten days before. 

Orgoiiez took up a position at a place called Salinas, about three 
miles from Cusco, with a force of five hundred men and about two 
hundred horses. His artillery consisted of six falconets, which, with the 
cavalry, he stationed on the flanks of his infantry. On Saturday, the 26th 
of April, 1538 (or the 6th, the day of Saint Lazarus, according to Garci- 
lasso), Hernando Pizarro began the attack. The infantry was led by his 
brother Gonzalo, and by Pedro de Valdivia, the future governor of Chili. 
Crowds of Indians watched the battle, and rejoiced to see their oppressors 
destroying one another. The cavalry charged at full gallop, the infantry 
fought desperately ; but Orgoiiez was killed, and after an hour the fortune 
of the day turned against the marshal. His soldiers fled to Cusco, followed 
by the victorious party, and Almagro himself was put in chains and con- 
fined in the same prison where he had put the Pizarros. His young son 
Diego, — by an Indian girl of Fanamd, — to whom the old man was devot- 
edly attached, was sent at once to the camp of the marquis at Lima, in charge 
of Alcantara, the half-brother of the Pizarros. Hernando then prepared a 
long string of accusations against his defeated foe, obtained his condemna- 
tion, and caused him to be garroted in the prison. Almagro was buried 
in the church of La Merced at Cusco, in July, 1538. 

The Marquis Francisco Pizarro received the young Almagro with kind- 
ness, and sent him to Lima, ordering him to be treated as his son. The 
governor himself remained for some time at Xauxa, and then proceeded 
to Cusco, where he confiscated the property of Almagro's followers. He 
sent his brother Gonzalo to conquer the people of Charcas. In 1539 Her- 
nando Pizarro set out for Spain ; but the friends of Almagro were before him. 
He was coldly received, and eventually committed to prison for his conduct 
at Cusco, and lingered in captivity for upwards of twenty years. 

Pizarro returned to Lima, and despatched numerous expeditions in 
various directions for discovery and conquest. Gomez de Alvarado was 
intrusted with the settlement of Huinuco ; Francisco de Chaves, of Con- 
chucos ; Vergara and Mercadillo were to explore Bracamoras and Chacha* 



528 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 

poyas; and Pedro de Candia was to settle the Collao. Gonzalo Pizarro 
himself undertook an expedition to the land of cinnamon, — the forest- 
covered region to the eastward of Quito. Leaving Pedro de Puelles in 
command at Quito, Gonzalo entered the forests with three hundred and 
fifty Spaniards and four thousand Indians on Christmas Day, 1539. The 
hardships and sufferings of these dauntless explorers have seldom been 
equalled by any body of men on record. Descending the rivers Coca and 
Napo, Gonzalo intrusted the command of a small vessel to Francisco de 
Orellana to go on in advance and seek for supplies. But Orellana deserted 
his starving comrades, discovered the whole course of the river Amazon, 
and returned to Spain. Out of the three hundred and fifty Spaniards that 
started, fifty deserted with Orellana, two hundred and ten died of hunger 
and disease, and the miserable remnant eventually returned to Quito with 
their intrepid leader, Gonzalo Pizarro, in June, 1542. 

The marquis had also resolved to renew the attempt to conquer Chili, 
which had been abandoned by Almagro. A cavalier had actually been 
sent out from Spain, named Pedro Sanchez de Hoz, to undertake this 
service. The marquis associated with him a commander on whose judg- 
ment, resolution, and fidelity he could better rely. Pedro de Valdivia was 
a native of Serena in Estremadura. He had seen much service in Italy ; 
was at the taking of Milan and at the battle of Pavia. He had arrived in 
Peru in 1535, having been sent from Mexico by Hernando Cortes when 
the governor of Peru appealed for help to resist the Ynca revolt. He did 
important service for the Pizarros at the battle of Salinas. 

Having collected one hundred and fifty soldiers at Cusco, Valdivia 
began his march for Chili in March, 1540. His camp-master was Pedro 
Gomez; his standard-bearer, Pedro de Mayor; his chief of the staff, 
Alonso Monroy. Francisco de Aguirre and Jeronimo de Alderete were 
his captains of cavalry ; Francisco de Villagran led the arquebusiers, and 
Rodrigo de Quiroga the pikemen. Two priests, named Bartolom6 Rod- 
rigo and Gonzalo Marmolejo, accompanied the expedition. Before start- 
ing, Valdivia went to the cathedral of Cusco, and swore, in presence of 
Bishop Valverde, that the first church he built should be dedicated to 
Our Lady of the Assumption, the patroness of Cusco, and that the first 
city he founded should be named Santiago, after the patron of Spain. Val- 
divia marched by way of the desert of Atacama, and at the very outset 
he made an agreement with Sanchez de Hoz that the sole command should 
rest with himself. 

Valdivia had for a guide the friar Antonio Rondon, who had accom- 
panied Almagro's expedition ; and with his aid he overcame all the diffi- 
culties of the march, and safely reached Copiapo in Chili. Advancing 
by Huasco and Coquimbo, he defeated a large army of natives in the 
valley of Chili or Aconcagua, and eventually selected a site for the foun- 
dation of a new city on the banks of the river Mapocho, in the territory 
of the Cacique Huelen-Guala. The foundation of the church, dedicated 



PIZARRO, AND THE CONQUEST OF PERU AND CHILI. 529 




Pedro de Vald-ibln G oi^C'fnaUov 
dt CluL. 



) DE VALDIVIA.' 



to the Assumption, in accordance with the vow made at Cusco, was laid 
on the 12th of February, 1541. The plan of the city was laid out, and it 
received the nam-; of Santiago. The officers of the municipality were 
elected on the 7th of March, to remain in office for one year. 

It was not long before the natives of Chili took up arms to oppose the 
intruders. Valdivia marched against a large body, leaving Monroy in 
command at Santiago. But another force of Indians attacked the city 
itself, with desperate valor, during fifteen days, killing four Spaniards and 
twenty-three horses, and setting fire to the houses. Valdivia hastily 
returned; and although the whole country was in insurrection, Monroy 



-67. 



' [Fr( 



1 Herrera (1718), 



530 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 

nobly volunteered to make his way to Peru and return with reinforcements 
and supplies. He set out Jan. 28, 1542. Valdivia began to cultivate the 
land near Santiago, and to sow wheat, in the hope of raising crops ; and 
on the hill of Santa Lucia he constructed a fort where provisions and valu- 
ables could be stored. But the little colony continued to suffer much from 
scarcity of provisions. Monroy, hiding in the woods during the day and 
travelling at night, escaped from Chili and reached Cusco in safety. He 




succeeded in getting a small vessel sent from the port of Arequipa to Valpa- 
raiso, while he himself returned by the desert of Atacama, reaching Santiago 
in December, 1543. Valdivia was now able to assume the offensive, and the 
armed Indians retired to a distance from Santiago. 

The chief pilot of Panamd, an experienced Genoese seaman named Juan 
Bautista Pastene, with Juan Calderon de la Barca, was ordered to under- 
take a voyage of discovery along the coast of Chili at about the same 
time. He sailed from Callao in July, 1544, and arrived at the port of 
Valparaiso in August, in his little vessel the " San Pablo." Here he was 

I [Fac.$imile of a part of a copperplate, which appears in Ovalle's ffiifoHca Relaa'im dt Chile, 
Rone, 1643. — Ed.] 



PIZARRO, AND THE CONQUEST OF PERU AND CHILI. 53I 

visited by Valdivia, who confirmed the name of Valparaiso and officially 
declared it to be the port of Santiago. Valdivia proclaimed the foundation 
of the town of Valparaiso on the 3d of September, 1544, and appointed 
Pastene his lieutenant in command of the Chilian seas. The two little 
vessels "San Pedro" and " Santiaguillo" then took some men-at-arms 
on board, and proceeded on a voyage of discovery to the southward on 
the 4th of September. Pastene *ent as far as 41° south, discovering a 




harbor which was named Valdivia, the mouths of several rivers, the island 
of Mocha and the Bay of Penco. He returned to Valparaiso on the 30th 
of September, and reported his success to the governor, who now had 
two hundred Spaniards at Santiago, besides women and children. In the 
same year Valdivia sent a captain named Bohan to found a town in the 
valley of Coquimbo, to serve as a refuge and resting-place on the road 
between Santiago and Peru. It was named La Serena, after the native place 
of Valdivia. The " San Pedro " was sent to Coquimbo to be caulked 
and otherwise repaired. The governor then undertook an expedition to 
the. south, crossed the river Maule, defeated a large body of Indians at a 
' [Fac-simile of part o£ a copperplate in Ovalle's Hist. Rtla. dt Chilt, Rome, 1648, — ED.] 



NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA 




XL MAnqjjEZ DON Francisco Hisarro 



place called Quilacara, and advanced as far as the banks of the river Bio- 
bio, returning to Santiago, after an absence of forty days, in March, 1546. 
Pastene had made another voyage to Callao, taking with him the gallant 
Alonso Monroy, who died on the passage. He returned to Valparaiso, 

I [Fac-simile of engraving in Herrera, vol. and a letter in one liand and a glove in the 

ti. p. 180. De Bry (part vi.) gives a small other. A colored representaifon of the royal 

medallion likeness, Cf, Verne's La Diemmerle standard borne by Pizarro ia given in El Get- 

dtla Ttrre. Prescolt (vol. i.) gives an cngrav- era! San A/.trlin. Buenos Ayres, 1S63. They 

ing after a painting in the series of the line continue (o show, or did exhibit till recently, 

of the viceroys, preserved at that lime in the a body claimed to be that of Pizarro, in .the 

viceregal palace at Lima. It gives the con- cathedral al Lima. (Hutchinson's Tiaa Ytart 

queror in civic costume, with cap and cloak, in Peru, vol. i. p. 309.) — Ed.] 



PIZARRO, AND THE CONQUEST OF PERU AND CHILI. 533 



1 IFac-simile of the engraving as given in Montanus and Ogilby. — ED.) 



534 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 

with a melancholy account of the disturbed state of Peru, Dec. I, 1547 ; and 
Valdivia determined, after much deliberation, to take up arms against 
Gonzalo Pizarro, as a loyal servant of the Spanish Crown. He went on 
board Pastene's ship, made sail Dec. 10, 1547, and arrived at Callao, the 
port of Lima. He had founded a new colony, and left it securely estab- 
lished in Chili. 

During tjie seven years of Valdivia's absence in Chili, stirring events 
had occurred in the land of the Yncas. The marquis returned to Lima, 
where he was busily engaged in the work of building, and in administering 
the affairs of his vast command. Many of the ruined followers of Almagro 
were there also, driven to desperation by the confiscation of their property. 
They were called, in derision, the *' men of Chili.*' Pizarro treated them 
with contemptuous indifference, and expelled the young Almagro from 
his house. 

The most conspicuous of the malcontents was Juan de Rada; and he 
matured a plot for the assassination of the governor. On the 26th of 
June, 1 541, the conspirators, headed by Rada, ran across the great square 
during the dinner hour, and entered the court of Pizarro's house.* The 
marquis had just dined, and his brother Martin de Alcantara, the judge 
Velasquez, Francisco de Chaves, and others were with him. Being un- 
armed, several of those present, on hearing the outcry, let themselves 
down into a garden from the corridor, and escaped. Chaves went out on 
the stairs, where he was murdered by the conspirators, who were running 
up. The marquis had thrown off his robe, put on a cuirass, and seized 
a spear. He was past seventy. His brother, a cavalier named Gomez 
de Luna, and two pages were with him. The assassins numbered nineteen 
strong men. Pizarro fought valiantly, until Rada thrust one of his com- 
panions on the spear and rushed in. Alcantara, Luna, and the two pages 
were despatched. Pizarro continued to defend himself until a wound in 
the throat brought him to the ground. He made the sign of the cross on 
the floor, and kissed it. He then breathed his last. The conspirators 
rushed into the street shouting, " The tyrant is dead ! " The houses of 
the governor and his secretary were pillaged. Juan de Rada coerced the 
municipality and proclaimed Diego Almagro, the young half-caste lad, 
governor of Peru. The body of Pizarro was buried in the cathedral, by 
stesflth, and at night. 

But the colonists did not immediately submit to the new rule. Alvarez 
de Holguin, one of Pizarro's captains, held Cusco with a small force, and 
Alonzo de Alvarado opposed the conspiracy in the north of Peru. The 
bishop Valverde, of Cusco, and the judge Velasquez were allowed to embark 
at Callao in November, 1541 ; but they fell into the hands of the Indians 
on the island of Puna, in the Gulf of Guayaquil, and were both killed. 

^ [A view of the house of Francisco Pizzaro, in Hutchinson's Tivo Years in Peru^ vol. i. p. 
as it is now or was recently existing, is shown 311. — En.] 



PIZARRO. AND THE CONQUEST OF PERU AND CHILI. 535 







VACA DE CASTRO.' 



The followers of Almagro the lad, as he was called, determined to 
march from Lima in the direction of Cusco, so as to get between Alvarado 
and Holguin. At Xauxa the youthful adventurer had the misfortune to 
lose his most trusty adherent Juan de Rada died of fever. The two most 
influential of his supporters who remained were Cristival de Sotelo and 
Garcia de Alvarado, — and they had quarrelled with one another. Their 
delays enabled Holguin to pass to the north, and unite his forces with 
Alvarado's. Almagro then established himself at Cusco, where Sotelo was 
murdered by his rival Alvarado; and the latter was put to death by the 
yonng Almagro, who assumed the direction of his own affairs. He was 
barely twenty-two years of age. 



' [From Herrera (1718), voL iw. p. 1 



-Ed.) 



536 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 

The Emperor Charles V., long before the death of Pizarro, had decided 
upon sending out a royal judge to act as the old conqueror's coadjutor and 
adviser, especially with regard to the treatment of the Indians. For this 
delicate post the emperor's choice fell upon Dr. Don Crist6val Vaca de 
Castro, a Judge of the Audience of Valladolid. After a long voyage the new 
judge had landed at Buenaventura, a town recently founded by Pascual de 
Andagoya, near that river San Juan where Pizarro had waited in such dire 
distress during his first voyage. He had a royal order to assume the post of 
governor of Peru in the event of Pizarro's death ; and on arriving at Popayan 
he received tidings of the assassination. He then proclaimed his commission 
as governor, and advanced southwards, by way of Quito, along the Peruvian 
coast. At Huara he was joined by Alvarado and Holguin with their forces. 
He entered Lima, and then proceeded, by way of Xauxa, in search of the 
assassins. Young Almagro had a force of five hundred Spaniards, with two 
hundred horses ; and he had a park of artillery consisting of sixteen pieces 
under the direction of the veteran Pedro de Candia. With this force he left 
Cusco in July, 1542. Vaca de Castro marched in great haste to Guamanga, 
in order to secure that important post before Almagro could reach it from 
Cusco. The rebels, as they must be called, took a route along the skirts of 
the Cordillera, until they reached an elevated plateau called Chupas, above 
and a little to the south of the newly built town of Guamanga. Their object 
appears to have been to cut off the communications of Vaca de Castro with 
the coast. In order to approach them, it was necessary for the royal army to 
evacuate Guamanga, and ascend a very steep slope to the terrace-like plateau 
where Almagro's army was posted. It was the i6th of September, 1542, and 
the ascent from Guamanga must have occupied the greater part of the day. 
The army of Vaca de Castro was marshalled by the veteran Francisco de 
Carbajal, an old soldier who had seen forty years' service in Italy before he 
crossed the Atlantic. Carbajal led the troops into action with such skill 
that they were protected by intervening ground until they were close to the 
enemy; and when Almagro's artillery opened fire on them, the guns were 
so elevated as to do no execution. This led young Almagro to suspect 
Pedro de Candia of treachery, and he there and then ran the old gunner 
through the body, and pointed one of the guns himself with good effect. 
The royal army now began to suffer severely from the better-directed 
artillery fire. Then the opposing bodies of cavalry charged, while Carbajal 
led a desperate attack with the infantry, and captured Almagro's guns. 
Holguin fell dead ; Alvarado was driven back, and young Almagro behaved 
with heroic valor. Yet when night closed in, the army of Vaca de Castro 
was completely victorious, and five hundred were left dead on the field. It 
was a desperately contested action. Almagro fled to Cusco with a few 
followers, where he was arrested by the magistrates. Vaca de Castro 
followed closely, and on arriving in the city he condemned the lad to 
death. Almagro suffered in the great square, and was buried by the side of 
his father in the church of La Merced. 



PIZARRO, AND THE CONQUEST OF PERU AND CHILI. 53;^ 

Vaca de Castro assumed the administration of affairs in Peru as royal 
governor. In the same year the Dominican Friar Geronimo de Loaysa, a 
native of Talavera, became bishop of Lima. He was promoted to the rank 
of archbishop in 1545. Another Dominican, Juan de Solano, succeeded 
Valverde as bishop of Cusco in 1543. Gonzalo Pizarro, when he returned 
from his terrible expedition in the forests east of Quito, was induced by 
the governor to retire peaceably to his estates in Charcas. The efforts 
of Vaca de Castro as an administrator were directed to regulating the 
employment of the natives, and to improving communications. 

When the good Bartolom6 Las Casas returned to Spain, in 1538, he pub- 
lished his famous work on the destruction of the native race of America. 
He protested against the Indians being given to the Spaniards in encomi- 
efida, or vassalage for personal service.^ At last the emperor appointed a 
committee consisting of churchmen and lawyers of the highest position, 
to sit at Valladolid in 1542, and to consider the whole subject The 
result was the promulgation of what were called the "New Laws." 

L After the death of the conquerors, the repartimientos of Indians, given to them 
in encomienday were not to pass to their heirs, but be placed directly under the king. 
Officers of his majesty were to renounce the repartimientos at once. 

II. All encomenderos in Peru who had been engaged in the factious wars between 
the Pizarros and Almagros were to be deprived. 

III. Personal service of the Indians was to be entirely abolished. 

Blasco Nunez Vela was appointed viceroy of Peru to enforce the ** New 
Laws," assisted by a court of justice, of which he was president, called the 
Audiencia of Lima. There were four other judges, called oidores, or audi- 
tors, named Cepeda, Zarate, Alvarez, and Tejada. The viceroy and his 
colleagues embarked at San Lucar on the 3d of November, 1543. Leaving 
the judges sick at Panamd, the viceroy landed at Tumbez on the 4th of 
March, 1544, with great magnificence, and proceeded by land to Lima, 
proclaiming the •* New Laws " as he advanced. The Spanish conquerors 
were thrown into a state of dismay and exasperation. They entreated 
Gonzalo Pizarro to leave his retirement and protect their interests, and 
when he entered Cusco he was hailed as procurator-general of Peru. He 
seized the artillery at Guamanga, and assembled a force of four hundred 
men, while old Francisco de Carbajal, the hero of the battle of Chupas, 
became his lieutenant. 

The viceroy was a headstrong, violent man, without judgment or capacity 
for affairs. His first act after entering Lima was to imprison the late gov- 
ernor, Vaca de Castro. The principal citizens entreated him not to enforce 
the ** New Laws " with imprudent haste. But he would listen to no argu- 
ments; and when the auditors arrived from Panamd, he quarrelled with 
them, and acted in defiance of their protests. At last the auditors ventured 

1 [See chap. v. — Ed.] 
VOL. II. — 68. 



536 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 

The Emperor Charles V., long before the death of Pizarro, had decided 
upon sending out a royal judge to act as the old conqueror's coadjutor and 
adviser, especially with regard to the treatment of the Indians. For this 
delicate post the emperor's choice fell upon Dr. Don Crist6val Vaca de 
Castro, a Judge of the Audience of Valladolid. After a long voyage the new 
judge had landed at Buenaventura, a town recently founded by Pascual de 
Andagoya, near that river San Juan where Pizarro had waited in such dire 
distress during his first voyage. He had a royal order to assume the post of 
governor of Peru in the event of Pizarro's death ; and on arriving at Popayan 
he received tidings of the assassination. He then proclaimed his commission 
as governor, and advanced southwards, by way of Quito, along the Peruvian 
coast. At Huara he was joined by Alvarado and Holguin with their forces. 
He entered Lima, and then proceeded, by way of Xauxa, in search of the 
assassins. Young Almagro had a force of five hundred Spaniards, with two 
hundred horses ; and he had a park of artillery consisting of sixteen pieces 
under the direction of the veteran Pedro de Candia. With this force he left 
Cusco in July, 1542. Vaca de Castro marched in great haste to Guamanga, 
in order to secure that important post before Almagro could reach it from 
Cusco. The rebels, as they must be called, took a route along the skirts of 
the Cordillera, until they reached an elevated plateau called Chupas, above 
and a little to the south of the newly built town of Guamanga. Their object 
appears to have been to cut off the communications of Vaca de Castro with 
the coast. In order to approach them, it was necessary for the royal army to 
evacuate Guamanga, and ascend a very steep slope to the terrace-like plateau 
where Almagro's army was posted. It was the i6th of September, 1542, and 
the ascent from Guamanga must have occupied the greater part of the day. 
The army of Vaca de Castro was marshalled by the veteran Francisco de 
Carbajal, an old soldier who had seen forty years* service in Italy before he 
crossed the Atlantic. Carbajal led the troops into action with such skill 
that they were protected by intervening ground until they were close to the 
enemy; and when Almagro's artillery opened fire on them, the guns were 
so elevated as to do no execution. This led young Almagro to suspect 
Pedro de Candia of treachery, and he there and then ran the old gunner 
through the body, and pointed one of the guns himself with good effect. 
The royal army now began to suffer severely from the better-directed 
artillery fire. Then the opposing bodies of cavalry charged, while Carbajal 
led a desperate attack with the infantry, and captured Almagro's guns. 
Holguin fell dead; Alvarado was driven back, and young Almagro behaved 
with heroic valor. Yet when night closed in, the army of Vaca de Castro 
was completely victorious, and five hundred were left dead on the field. It 
was a desperately contested action. Almagro fled to Cusco with a few 
followers, where he was arrested by the magistrates. Vaca de Castro 
followed closely, and on arriving in the city he condemned the lad to 
death. Almagro suffered in the great square, and was buried by the side of 
his father in the church of La Merced. 



PIZARRO, AND THE CONQUEST OF PERU AND CHILI. 53;^ 

Vaca de Castro assumed the administration of affairs in Peru as royal 
governor. In the same year the Dominican Friar Geronimo de Loaysa, a 
native of Talavera, became bishop of Lima. He was promoted to the rank 
of archbishop in 1545. Another Dominican, Juan de Solano, succeeded 
Valverde as bishop of Cusco in 1543. Gonzalo Pizarro, when he returned 
from his terrible expedition in the forests east of Quito, was induced by 
the governor to retire peaceably to his estates in Charcas. The efforts 
of Vaca de Castro as an administrator were directed to regulating the 
employment of the natives, and to improving communications. 

When the good Bartolome Las Casas returned to Spain, in 1538, he pub- 
lished his famous work on the destruction of the native race of America. 
He protested against the Indians being given to the Spaniards in enconti- 
efida, or vassalage for personal service.^ At last the emperor appointed a 
committee consisting of churchmen and lawyers of the highest position, 
to sit at Valladolid in 1542, and to consider the whole subject. The 
result was the promulgation of what were called the "New Laws." 

I. After the death of the conquerors, the repartimientos of Indians, given to them 
in encomUnda, were not to pass to their heirs, but be placed directly under the king. 
Officers of his majesty were to renounce the repartimientos at once. 

II. All mcomenderos in Peru who had been engaged in the factious wars between 
the Pizarros and Almagros were to be deprived. 

III. Personal service of the Indians was to be entirely abolished. 

Blasco Nuiiez Vela was appointed viceroy of Peru to enforce the ** New 
Laws," assisted by a court of justice, of which he was president, called the 
Audiencia of Lima. There were four other judges, called oidores, or audi- 
tors, named Cepeda, Zarate, Alvarez, and Tejada. The viceroy and his 
colleagues embarked at San Lucar on the 3d of November, 1543. Leaving 
the judges sick at Panamd, the viceroy landed at Tumbez on the 4th of 
March, 1544, with great magnificence, and proceeded by land to Lima, 
proclaiming the ** New Laws " as he advanced. The Spanish conquerors 
were thrown into a state of dismay and exasperation. They entreated 
Gonzalo Pizarro to leave his retirement and protect their interests, and 
when he entered Cusco he was hailed as procurator-general of Peru. He 
seized the artillery at Guamanga, and assembled a force of four hundred 
men, while old Francisco de Carbajal, the hero of the battle of Chupas, 
became his lieutenant. 

The viceroy was a headstrong, violent man, without judgment or capacity 
for affairs. His first act after entering Lima was to imprison the late gov- 
ernor, Vaca de Castro. The principal citizens entreated him not to enforce 
the ** New Laws " with imprudent haste. But he would listen to no argu- 
ments; and when the auditors arrived from Panamd, he quarrelled with 
them, and acted in defiance of their protests. At last the auditors ventured 

^ [See chap. v. — Ed.] 
VOL. II. — 68. 



538 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 

upon the bold step of arresting the viceroy in his palace, and placing him 
in confinement. He was sent to the island of San Lorenzo, and a govern- 
ment was formed with the auditor Cepeda as president, who suspended the 
*' New Laws" until further instructions could be received from Spain. The 
auditor Alvarez was commissioned to embark on board a vessel with the 
viceroy, and take him to Panamd. 

Meanwhile Gonzalo Pizarro was approaching Lima by rapid marches, and 
he entered the capital on the 28th of October, 1544, at the head of twelve 
hundred Spaniards and several thousand Indians dragging the artillery, 
which had formed the special strength of young Almagro. The Audiencia 
submitted; the judges administered the oaths, and Gonzalo was declared 
governor and captain-general of Peru. At the same time Vaca de Castro 
persuaded the captain of a vessel on board of which he was confined in 
Callao Bay to get under way and convey him to Panamd. Accusations were 
brought against him in Spain, and he was kept in prison for twelve years, 
but was eventually acquitted and reinstated. 

As soon as the ship conveying the viceroy to Panamd was at sea, the judge 
Alvarez liberated him. He landed at Tumbez in October, 1544, denounced 
Gonzalo Pizarro and the judge Cepeda as traitors, and called upon all loyal 
subjects to support him. Volunteers arrived, and Blasco Nunez raised his 
standard at San Miguel de Piura. Gonzalo Pizarro assembled a rival force 
at Truxillo ; but the viceroy retreated before him towards Quito, Carbajal 
pressing closely on his rear. The retreat was almost a rout. Passing 
through Quito, the viceroy took refuge at Pasto, within the jurisdiction of 
Sebastian Benalcazar, the governor of Popayan. Early in January, 1546, 
having received reinforcements, Blasco Nunez ventured to advance once 
more towards Quito. Gonzalo Pizarro took up a strong position outside ; 
but the viceroy, now accompanied by Benalcazar, made a detour and entered 
Quito. On the i8th of January, 1546, the viceroy led his followers to the 
plains of Anaquito, near the town, where his enemy was posted, seven 
hundred strong. The battle was not long doubtful. Alvarez the judge was 
mortally wounded. Benalcazar was left for dead on the field. The viceroy 
was unhorsed and wounded, and while lying on the ground his head was 
struck off by order of Pedro de Puelles, Pizarro's governor of Quito. The 
slaughter was terrific. Cruel old Carbajal never showed any mercy, and no 
quarter was given. Benalcazar, when he recovered, was allowed to return 
to Popayan ; and Gonzalo Pizarro attended as chief mourner at the funeral 
of the viceroy in the cathedral of Quito. 

Leaving a garrison at Quito, under Puelles, Gonzalo began his journey 
southwards in July, 1546, and entered Lima in triumph. The only resist- 
ance throughout Peru was from an officer in Charcas named Diego Centeno, 
a native of Ciudad Rodrigo, who had come to Peru in 1534 with Pedro 
Alvarado. He declared in favor of the viceroy at Chucuito ; but Alonzo 
Toro, who had been left in command at Cusco by Gonzalo Pizarro, marched 
against him, and he fled into the fastnesses of Chichas, in the far south. 



PIZARRO, AND THE CONQUEST OF PERU AND CHILI. 539 




Pizarro was undisputed master of Peru, and his lieutenant Carbajal retired 
to Charcas to work the silver mines. 

News of the revolt had reached Spain, and the licentiate Pedro de la 
Gasca, an astute and very able ecclesiastic, was appointed to proceed to 
Peru, and mediate between the viceroy and the malcontents. He received 
very full powers, with large discretion, and was entitled president of the 
Audiencia. He was very ugly, with a dwarfish body and exceedingly long, 
ungainly legs. The president sailed from Spain on the 26th of May, 1546, 
and received the news of the viceroy's death on his arrival at the isthmus. 
He brought out with him the announcement of the revocation of the " New 
Laws," owing to the dangerous spirit of discontent they had caused through- 

' [This follows ihe engraving given by Pres- Magdalene at Valladolid, — an inscriplion on 
coti {f/islary 0/ tht Conjii/sl of Pirn) of the which sai-s that Gasca died in 1567 at the age 
portrait hanging in the sacristy of Saint Mary of aevenivKine. — Ed.| 



NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 




^' Uccnciado 

hdfo de to- 

parcel. 



PEDRO DE LA GASCA.' 



out the Indies. They were withdrawn by a decree dated at Malines on the 
20th of October, 1545. 

The president arrived at Panama on the i ith of August, 1546, where he 
found the fleet of Gonzalo Pizarro. under the command of Pedro de Hinojosa. 
Soon afterward Lorenzo de Aldana arrived as an envoy from Pizarro, but 
was induced to submit to the president's authority. Hinojosa followed the 
example, and thus Gasca gained possession of the fleet. When the offer of 
pardon reached Lima, Gonzalo was advised by his heutenant Carbajal to 
accept the terms ; but the auditor Cepeda, who had turned against the 
viceroy and administered the oaths of office to a rebel, felt that there could 
be no pardon for him. The mad ambition of Pizarro induced him to 
listen to Cepeda rather than to Carbajal, and he finally rejected the offer 
of pardon; but many of his old followers deserted him, 
' [FromHcrTera(l7J8),vol. iv. p. 215. — Ed.] 



PIZARRO, AND THE CONQUEST OF PERU AND CHILI. 541 

Lorenzo de Aldana was despatched from Panamd, with several vessels, 
in February, 1547, and arrived in Callao Bay; while Diego Centeno once 
more rose in the south, and began to collect troops. Gonzalo Pizarro 
resolved to abandon Lima and march to Arequipa with only five hundred 
men, so numerous had been the desertions from his ranks. Aldana then 
entered the capital, while Gasca himself sailed from Panamd on the loth of 
April, 1547, landing atTumbez on the 13th of June. He advanced toXauxa, 
and great numbers flocked to his standard. Pedro de Valdivia, the governor 
of Chili, had landed at Callao, and overtook the president, on his march 
towards Cusco, at Andahuaylas. 

Gonzalo Pizarro, despairing of being able to make head against the presi- 
dent Gasca with all the prestige of royal approval on his side, had determined 
to retreat into Chili. But he feared to leave Centeno hanging on his rear, 
and thought it necessary first to disperse his forces. Centeno occupied a 
position near Huarina, at the south-eastern angle of Lake Titicaca, upwards 
of twelve thousand feet above the level of the sea. Pizarro's troops ad- 
vanced to the attack over an open plain. He had about four hundred and 
eighty men, the strength of his army being in his infantry armed with 
arquebuses, and disciplined under the direct supervision of Carbajal. Cen- 
teno had a larger force, and was accompanied by Solano, the bishop of 
Cusco. Caibajal waited for the attack of the enemy, and then poured a 
deadly volley into their ranks. Centeno*s footmen broke and fled ; but his 
cavalry defeated Pizarro, and would have won the day, if they too had not 
been repelled and broken by the admirable steadiness of Carbajal's arque- 
busiers. As it was, Pizarro's victory was complete, and three hundred and 
fifty of Centeno's followers were killed. All fugitives taken by Carbajal 
were put to death without mercy. 

The doomed Pizarro now abandoned all idea of retreating into Chili. 
He marched in triumph to Cusco, while the president Gasca approached 
by leisurely marches, gathering reinforcements by the way. With him were 
the bishops of Lima and Cusco, the marshal Alonzo de Alvarado, the vet- 
eran Hinojosa, Pascual de Andagoya the first adventurer in search qf Peru, 
Valdivia the governor of Chili, Centeno, escaped from Huarina, Cieza de 
Leon the future historian, and many others well known to fame. The 
president's army crossed the river Apurimac, and advanced to the plain 
of Sacsahuana, near Cusco, whither Gonzalo Pizarro came out to meet him. 
On the morning of the 9th of April, 1548, the commanders of both armies 
made ready for battle. But soon there were symptoms of desertion on 
Pizarro's side. An important cavalier, Garcilasso de la Vega, galloped 
across to the army of Gasca. He was followed by the treacherous auditor 
Cepeda. Soldiers began to follow in small parties. Old Carbajal was 
humming two lines of an old song. — 

*' Estos mis cabellicos madre, 
Dos d dos me los lleva el ayre." 



542 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 

Then desertions took place by companies and squadrons. Pizarro sorrow- 
fully took his way to the royal camp and gave himself up. Carbajal was 
seized by the soldiers. He was hanged and quartered the following day, and 
soon afterwards Gonzalo Pizarro was executed in presence of the army. 

The president entered Cusco on the I2th of April, and began a bloody 
assize. Scarcely a day passed without followers of Gonzalo Pizarro being 
hanged, flogged, or sent in large batches to the galleys. Two priests were 
executed. A canon of Quito, who was tutor to Gonzalo Pizarro's little 
son, was hanged for writing a book called De bello justo. At length, sated 
with blood, the president left Cusco on the nth of July with Archbishop 
Loaysa, and went to a small village called Huayna-rimac in the neigh- 
borhood. He retired into this seclusion to^ escape the importunities of his 
partisans. Here he proceeded to arrange the distribution of encotniendaSy 
or grants of lands and Indians, among his followers. He allowed a tenth 
of the Indians to be employed on forced labor in the mines, thus reversing 
the humane legislation advocated by Las Casas. Having completed his 
work, the president sent the archbishop to announce his awards at Cusco, 
and they caused a howl of rage and disappointed greed. Gasca himself 
went down to Lima by the unfrequented route of Nasca, and when a 
positive order from the emperor arrived, that all personal service among 
the Indians should be abolished, he suspended its publication until he was 
safe out of Peru. In January, 1550, the president Gasca sailed for Panamd, 
leaving the country in the greatest confusion, and all the most difficult 
administrative points to be solved by his successors. The municipality of 
Lima wrote a complaint to the emperor, representing the untimely depar- 
ture of the president. His abilities and his services have been much over- 
stated. He himself is the witness to his own revolting cruelties at Cusco. 

Gasca left the government of Peru, with none of the difficulties settled, 
in the hands of the auditors or judges of the royal Audieticia, of which 
Don Andres de Cianca was president. His colleagues were Melchor Bravo 
de Sarabia, Hernando de Santillan, and Pedro Maldonado. The judges 
were in charge of the executive from January, 1550, to the 23d of Septem- 
ber, 1551, when Don Antonio de Mendoza arrived from Mexico as viceroy. 
They had taken steps to organize a systematic plan for the instruction of 
the natives, under the auspices of Archbishop Loaysa, Friar Thomas de 
San Martin, and the indefatigable friar Domingo de Santo Tomas, the first 
Quichua scholar. They worked harmoniously under the viceroy Mendoza, 
who was a statesman of high rank and great experience. He promulgated 
the royal order against the enforced personal service of Indians, antici- 
pating serious discontents and troubles, which he was resolved to meet and 
overcome. But his premature death at Lima, on the 21st of July, 1552, 
left the country once more in the hands of the judges, who had to meet a 
storm which would sorely test their administrative abilities. 

The ringleader of the malcontents was a cavalier of good family named 
Francisco Hernandez Giron. Born at Caccres, in Estremadura, he crossed 



PIZARRO, AND THE CONQUEST OF PERU AND CHILI. 543 

the Atlantic in 1535, and joined the unfortunate viceroy Blasco Nuftez de 
Vela at Quito, fighting under his banner in the fatal battle of Anaquito. 
He also did good service in the army of President Gasca, and was in the 
left wing at the rout of Sacsahuana. Gasca had assigned the plain of 
Sacsahuana to him, as his repartitniento ; but he grumbled loudly, and all 
the malcontents looked upon him as their leader. The promulgation of the 
abolition of personal service was received with a howl of execration among 
the conquerors, who looked fonvard to the accumulation of wealth by the 
use of forced labor in the silver mines. Troubles broke out in Charcas, 
and Giron resolved to raise the standard of revolt at Cusco. 

The 1 2th of November, 1553, was the wedding day of Don Alonzo de 
Loaysa, a nephew of the archbishop, who married a young lady named 
Maria de Castilla. The corregidor of Cusco and most of the leading citi- 
zens were at the supper. Suddenly Giron presented himself in cuirass and 
helmet, with his sword drawn, and a crowd of conspirators behind him. 
The street was occupied by a body of cavalry under his lieutenant, Tomas 
Vasquez. The guests sprang from their seats, but Giron told them not to 
fear, as he only wished to arrest the corregidor. He and the others then 
put out the lights and drew their swords. The corregidor took refuge with 
the ladies in the drawing-room, and shut the doors. Two guests were 
stabbed. Many escaped by the windows and climbed a wall at the back 
of the house. The corregidor and other officials were seized and impris- 
oned. Giron issued a proclamation declaring that the conquerors would 
not be robbed of the fruits of their labors. He soon had a respectable 
force under his command ; but most of the leading citizens fled to Lima. 
The rebel declared that his object was the public good, and to induce the 
king to listen to the prayers of his subjects. The Audiencia was called 
upon to restore matters to the state they were in at the time of Gasca's 
departure. Tomas Vasquez was sent to Arequipa, and Guamanga also 
declared in favor of Giron. 

The governing judges were in great perplexity at Lima. After some 
hesitation they put the archbishop Loaysa in command of their army, 
with the judge Bravo de Saravia as his colleague. The marshal Alonzo de 
Alvarado was in upper Peru, and he also got some loyal cavaliers round 
him, and assembled a small force. Giron entered Guamanga Jan. 27, 
1554, where he was joined by Tomas Vasquez, from Arequipa; and he 
then marched down to the coast. The judges encamped at At^, outside 
Lima, with five hundred arquebusiers, four hundred and fifty pikemen, 
three hundred cavalry, and fourteen field-pieces. Giron arrived at 
Pachacamac on the shores of the Pacific, and the judges advanced to 
Surco. But instead of boldly attacking, the rebels turned their backs and 
marched southwards along the coast to Yea, followed by a detachment 
under an officer named Meneses. Giron turned, and defeated his pursuers 
at Villacuri, in the desert between Pisco and Yea, but continued his retreat 
to Nasca. He had lost a great opportunity. 



NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 




Han' see. 
■^lon/o til. 



AL0;JZ0 DE ALVARADO.' 



The royal army advanced to Chincha; but the archbishop quarrelled 
with Bravo de Saravia, and where so many commanded, and none were 
military men, efficient operations were impossible. Meanwhile Alvarado 
had assembled an army for the Judges, of seven hundred men, the rendez- 
vous being La Paz in upper Peru. With this force he entered Cusco on 
the 30th of March, 1554, and continued his march in search of Giron, 
who remained at Nasca, on the coast, until the 8th of May. On that 
"day the rebels once more ascended the wild passes of the cordillera to 
Lucanas, and were soon in the neighborhood of Alvarado's army, which 
now numbered eleven hundred men. The rebels encamped at Chu- 
quinga. in the wildest part of the Andes, on a mountain terrace by the side 
of a deep ravine, with the river Abancay in front. The marshal Alvarado 
was on the other side of the ravine, and was advised not to attack, but to 
' [Fac-simile of engiavii^ in HeirCTa, iii. 135. — Ed.] 



PIZARRO, AND THE CONQUEST OF PERU AND CHILI. 545 

harass the retreat of Giron. But on the 21st of May, under every possi- 
ble disadvantage, he ordered the river to be forded, and an attack to be 
made. The river was crossed, but the men could not form on the other 
side in the face of an active enemy. They fell back, and the retreat was 
soon converted into a rout. Alvarado was wounded, but contrived to 
escape with Lorenzo de Aldana and the learned Polo de Ondegardo who 
accompanied him, leaving seventy dead on the field, and two hundred and 
eighty wounded. 

Giron entered Cusco in triumph. The judges, on receiving news of the 
disastrous battle of Chuquinga, decided that their army should advance to 
Xauxa, and eventually towards Cusco. The Audiencia now consisted of 
Dr. Melchor Bravo de Saravia, Hernando de Santillan, Diego Gonzalez 
Altamirano, and Martin Mercado. Altamirano was to remain in charge of 
the government at Lima, while the other judges marched with the army, 
preceded by their officer Pablo de Meneses with the royal standard. In 
July, 1554, the three judges, Saravia, Santillan, and Mercado reached 
Guamanga, and in August they entered Cusco, having met with no opposi- 
tion. Giron had retreated to Pucara, near Lake Titicaca, a very strong 
position consisting of a lofty rock rising out of the plain. The royal army 
encamped in front of the rock, and the judges sent promises of pardon to 
all who would return to their allegiance. Giron hoped that the royal army 
would attack him, repeating the error at Chuquinga; but the judges had 
resolved to play a waiting game. A night attack led by Giron was repulsed. 
Then desertions began, Tomas Vasquez setting the example. The unfor- 
tunate rebel could trust no one. He feared treachery. He bade a heart- 
rending farewell to his noble-minded wife, Dofta Mencia, leaving her to the 
care of the judge Saravia. He rode away in the dead of night, almost 
alone, and Pucara was surrendered. Meneses was sent in chase of Giron, 
who was captured near Xauxa. He was brought to Lima, Dec. 6, 1554, 
and beheaded. His head was put in an iron cage, and nailed up by the 
side of those of Gonzalo Pizarro and Carbajal. Ten years afterward 
a friend of his wife secretly took all three down, and they were buried 
in a convent. Dofla Mencia, the widow of Giron, founded the first 
nunnery in Lima, — that of " La Encarnacion," — and died there as 
abbess. 

Thus the judges succeeded in putting down this formidable insurrection, 
and were able to hand over the country, in a state of outward tranquillity, 
to the great viceroy who now came out to establish order in Peru. ^ 

Don Andrea Hurtado de Mendoza, Marquis of Caftete, was nominated 
by Charles V., at Brussels, to be viceroy of Peru for six years. He came 
out with the intention of checking with a firm hand the turbulence of the 
military adventurers who were swarming over the country. Writing to 
the emperor before he sailed. May 9, 1555, he said that there were 
eight thousand Spaniards in Peru, of whom four hundred and eighty-nine 

VOL. II. — 69 



546 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 

held repartimientoSy and about one thousand were employed officially or 
otherwise. A large portion desired to live in idleness. He proposed to 
employ them on expeditions into unknown regions, and he submitted that 
no more Spaniards ought to be allowed to come to Peru without good 
cause assigned. In a letter to his daughter, the governess Juana, the 
emperor approved the policy sketched out by the new viceroy. 

The Marquis of Cafiete landed at Payta, and travelling by land, entered 
Lima on the 29th of June, 1556. He assumed office with unprecedented 
state and solemnity. He was fully resolved to put down sedition once 
and for all. He ordered that no Spaniard should leave his town without 
permission of the authorities, and for good cause. As regards the Audi- 
encia, he reported to the emperor that the judges were hostile to each 
other, and that they lived in such discord that all peace was hopeless. 
He spoke favorably of two, and requested that the others might be 
recalled. He also reported that the corregidors maintained quantities of 
idle soldiers waiting for opportunities of mischief. He estimated the 
number of the idlers at three thousand, and said that the peace of the 
country was endangered by the immorality, license, and excesses of these 
men. The viceroy kept all the artillery in the country under his own eye, 
ordering guns to be seized and brought to him wherever they could be 
found; and he formed a permanent guard of four hundred arquebusiers. 
He then sent for a number of settlers, of turbulent antecedents, who came 
to Lima joyfully, expecting that they were about to receive repartimientos. 
But he disarmed them, shipped them at Callao, and sent them out of the 
country. Among these banished men were included the most notorious 
disturbers of the peace in the late civil wars. Altogether thirty-seven 
were sent to Spain. Tomas Vasquez and Juan Piedrahita, the chief 
supporters of Giron, were beheaded, and the corregidors were authorized 
to seize and execute any turbulent or dangerous persons within their 
jurisdictions. These were very strong measures, but they were necessary. 
The intolerable anarchy under which Peru had groaned for so many years 
was thus stamped out. Moderate e?icomietidas were then granted to 
deserving officers. 

While the turbulence and cruelty of the Spanish conquerors were 
checked with relentless severity, the policy of the Marquis of Canete towards 
the people and their ancient rulers was liberal and conciliatory. In both 
courses of action there was wisdom. After the siege of Cusco, the Ynca 
Manco, with his family and chief nobles, had taken refuge in the mountain 
fastness of Vilcabamba, and there he met his death in 1553, after a disastrous 
reign of twenty years. He was succeeded by his son Sayri Tupac, who 
continued in his secluded hiding-place. The viceroy thought it important, 
for the tranquillity of the country and the peace of mind of the Indians, 
that the descendant of their ancient kings should be induced to reside 
among the Spaniards. The negotiation was intrusted to the Ynca's aunt, 
a princess who had married a Spanish cavalier, and to Juan de Betanzos, an 



PIZARRO, AND THE CONQUEST OF PERU AND CHILI. 547 

excellent Quichua scholar. It was settled that the Ynca should receive 
the encomienda forfeited by Giron (the valley of Yucay near Cusco, where 
he was to reside), together with a large pension. All was finally arranged, 
and on the 6th of January, 1558, the Ynca entered Lima, and was most cor- 
dially received by the viceroy. From that time he resided in the valley of 
Yucay, surrounded by his family and courtiers, until his death in 1560. 

Several of the Spanish conquerors had married Ynca ladies of the blood 
royal, and a number of half-caste youths were growing up in the principal 
cities of Peru, who formed links between the Yncas and their conquerors. 
There was a school at Cusco where they were educated, and the Ynca 
Garcilasso de la Vega records many anecdotes of his early days, and 
enumerates the names of most of his school-fellows. The Marquis of 
Caftete also founded schools at Lima and Truxillo, and took great pains 
to supply the Indians with parochial clergy of good conduct, who were 
strictly prohibited from trading. In 1558 the curacas^ or native chiefs, 
who had proved their rights by descent before the Audiencia^ were allowed 
to exercise jurisdiction as magistrates. 

The Marquis of Cafiete founded the towns of Cuenca in the province of 
Quito, of Santa on the coast to the north of Lima, and of Caiiete in a rich 
and fertile valley to the south. He also established the hospital of San 
Andres at Lima, and built the first bridge over the Rimac. Very great 
activity was shown in the introduction of useful plants and domestic 
animals. Vines were sent out from Spain and the Canaries, and a harvest 
of grapes was reaped near Cusco in 1555. Wheat was first reaped in the 
valley of Caftete by a lady named Maria de Escobar, and olives were planted 
in 1560. Other fruit trees and garden vegetables soon followed. 

The king, Philip II., determined to supersede this able viceroy in 1560, 
appointing a young nobleman named Diego Lopez de Zufiiga y Velasco, 
Conde de Nieva, in his place. But the Marquis of Caftete died at Lima 
before his successor arrived, on the 30th of March, 1561, having governed 
nearly five years. He was buried in the church of San Francisco, but his 
bones were afterwards taken to Spain and deposited with those of his 
ancestors at Cuenca. The Conde de Nieva entered Lima on the 27th of 
April, — a month after the death of the marquis. He was a handsome 
young cavalier, of loose morals, and fond of every sort of pleasure. There 
is very little doubt that he lost his life owing to a powerful husband's jeal- 
ousy. He was set upon in the street, after leaving the lady's house, in the 
dead of night. He was found dead on the 20th of February, 1564, and the 
matter was hushed up to prevent scandal. The judges of the Audiencia 
took charge of the government until the arrival of a successor. 

During this period the Chilian colony was holding its own, with difficulty, 
against the indomitable Araucanian Indians. After the rout of Sacsahuana, 
the governor Valdivia took his leave of the president Gasca, and embarked 
at Arica on the 21st of January, 1549, with two hundred men. His lieu- 



548 



NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 



tenant, Francisco de Villagra, had ruled at Santiago in his absence, vigilantly 
thwarting a plot of Alonzo de Hoz, whom he executed, and suppressing 
a revolt of the Indians of Coquimbo and Copiapo. He met Valdivia on 
his landing at Valparaiso and accompanied him to the capital. The first 
expedition of the governor, after his return, was undertaken with a view 
to establishing Spanish influence in the south of Chili. In January, 1550, 
with two hundred men, he crossed the Biobio, and intrenched himself in 
the valley of the Penco, where he founded the town of Concepcion, repuls- 




CONCEPnON BAY.* 



ing an attack from a large army of Indians with great slaughter. In the 
following year he founded the towns of Imperial and Valdivia still farther 
south. 

The Araucanians now flew to arms in defence of their fatherland, at the 
call of their aged chief, Colo-colo. A younger but equally brave leader, 
named Caupolican, was elected toqui, or general, of the army; and they 
began operations by attempting to destroy a Spanish fort at Tucapel. 
Valdivia hurried from Concepcion, at the head of fifty cavalry, and attacked 
the Araucanian host. The governor had with him a young Indian lad of 
eighteen, named Lautaro, as groom. There was great slaughter among the 
Araucanians, and they were beginning to give way, when all the best feel- 
ings of Lautaro were aroused at the sight of his countrymen in peril. On 

* [Fac-simile of a cut in Ovalle's Historica Rdacion de CkiUy Rome, 1648. — Ed.] 



PIZARRO, AND THE CONQUEST OF PERU AND CHILI. 549 

the instant he felt the glow of ardent patriotism. He went over to the 
enemy, exhorted them to rally, and led them once more to the attack. 
The Spanish force was annihilated, and the governor was taken prisoner. 
Led before the toquiy young Lautaro interceded for his master, and the 
generous Caupolican listened favorably; but the savage chief Leucaton 
protested, and felled Valdivia by a deadly blow with a club on the back 
of the head. This disaster took place on the last day of December, 1553. 
Don Pedro de Valdivia was in his fifty-sixth year, and by his conquest and 
settlement of Chili he won a place in history side by side with Cortes and 
Pizarro. He was childless. 

Francisco de Villagra succeeded his old chief as governor of Chili, and 
made preparations to repair the disaster. Lautaro became the second 
leader of his countrymen, under Caupolican. Their tactics were to allow 
the Spaniards to penetrate into their country as far as they pleased, but 
to cut off supplies, and harass their retreat. Thus Villagra easily marched 
from Arauco to Tucapel ; but he was attacked by an immense army under 
Lautaro, which stopped his retreat, and he suffered such severe loss in the 
battle of Mariguanu that the town of Concepcion was abandoned in 
November, 1555. There was hard fighting again in 1556, in defence of the 
garrisons at Imperial and Valdivia. Early in the following year Lautaro 
was intrenched with an army on the banks of the Mataquito, when he was 
surprised at dawn by Villagra. He made a gallant defence, but was killed ; 
and six hundred warriors fell with him. Thus died one of the noblest 
patriots of the American race. 

In the same year the viceroy. Marquis of Caiiete, appointed his son, 
Don Garcia Hurtado de Mendoza, a youth barely twenty-two years of age, 
to be governor of Chili. His cavalry, under Luis de Toledo, marched by 
land over the desert of Atacama, while the young governor embarked at 
Callao, and sailed for Chili with three vessels conveying seven hundred 
infantry. Among the officers was Don Alonso de Ercilla, whose epic poem 
records the events of this famous war. Don Garcia landed at Coquimbo 
on the 25th -of April, 1557, and the cavalry arrived on the following day. 
After having assumed the government at Santiago, and ungratefully dis- 
missed Villagra, to secure the tranquillity of his own rule, he continued 
the interminable war. His first operation was to occupy the island of 
Quiriquina, off Talcahuano, and to build the fort of Pinto on the west side 
of the valley of the Penco. Here he was attacked by Caupolican with a 
great army. There were marvellous individual acts of bravery on both 
sides; Don Garcia himself was wounded, and two thousand Araucanians 
were slain. The governor then crossed the river Biobio and fought 
another great battle, Caupolican retreating with heavy loss. Don Garcia 
disgraced his victory by hanging twelve captive chiefs, including the he- 
roic Galvarino. Penetrating far to the south, the town of Osorno was 
founded beyond Valdivia, and the archipelago of Chiloe was discovered. 
During the governor's absence in the far south, the toqui Caupolican 



NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 



GARQA HURTADO DE MEHDOZA.' 



' (Fac-simile of a copperplate in Ovalle'a Hislarica Relation dt Ckili, Rome. 1648. — Ed-I 



PIZARRO, AND THE CONQUEST OF PERU AND CHILI. 551 

was "betrayed into the hands of Alonso de Reinosa, the captain in command 
at Tucapel, who put him to a horrible death by impalement. 

There was now a brief interval of peace. Don Garcia had brought with 
him to Chili the good licentiate Gonzalez Marmolejo, afterwards first bishop 
of Santiago, who prepared rules for the humane treatment of the peaceful 
natives. Only a sixth were allowed to be employed at the mines ; no one 
was to work who was 
under eighteen or 
over fifty; no laborer 
was to be forced to 
work on feast days, and 
all were to be paid and 
supplied with food. 
On the Sth of Febru- 
ary, 1561, Don Garcia 
Hurtado de Mendoza 
embarked at Valpa- 
raiso and lea Chili, 
being succeeded by 
Francisco de ViUagra, 
the old companion in 
arms of Valdivia. Vil- 
lagra died in 1563, and 
was succeeded by Rod- 
rigo de Quiroga. In 
1563 the bishopric of 

Santiago was founded, and in 1565 the royal Audiencia of Chili was insti- 
tuted, with Dr. Melchor Bravo de Saravia as its first president. Its seat 
was fixed in the city of Concepcion. 

We must now return to the course of events in Peru. The scandalous 
death of the viceroy Conde de Nieva seems to have induced the king to 
choose his successor from among men learned in the law rather than from 
the nobility, and to drop the title of viceroy. Lope Garcia de Castro had 
been a judge of the Audiencia of Valiadolid, and afterwards a member of the 
council of the Indies. He was appointed governor and captain-general 
of Peru, and president of the Audiencia of Lima, where he made his public 
entry Sept. 22, 1564. To avoid scandal, the belief had been encouraged 
that the Conde de Nieva had been murdered in bed. But everybody knew 
that he had been struck to the ground by several stout negroes with bags 
full of sand; that the blows had been continued until life was extinct; and 
that after the murder people came out of the house of the Zarates, and 
carried the body to the palace. The culprit was Don Rodrigo Manrique 
de Lara, a powerful citizen of proud lineage, who had discovered love 

< [After (he sketch in Benzoni, edition of 157Z, p. 16S. — Ed.] 




PERUVIANS WORSHIPPING THE SUN.' 



^^ 



552 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 

passages between his young wife and her near relative the viceroy. But 
the judges thought there would be grave scandal if the delinquent was 
brought to justice, and the new governor took the same view. The affair 
was hushed up. 

Lope de Castro established a mint, imposed the almojarifazgo, 6r customs 
dues, and organized the work at the newly-discovered quicksilver mines of 
Huancavelica, and at the silver mines. In 1567 the Jesuits arrived in Peru, 
and in the same year the second council of Lima was convoked by Arch- 
bishop Loaysa, the governor assisting as representative of the king. The 
first council was in 1552. At the second the decisions of the council 
of Trent were accepted, and the parochial arrangements were made ; while 
the governor proceeded with the work of fixing the divisions of land 
among the Indians, and marking out the country into corregimientos^ or 
provinces, under corregidors. In 1567 Castro despatched an expedition 
from Callao, under the command of his nephew, Alvaro de Mendafta, who 
discovered the Solomon Islands. Lope Garcia de Castro governed Peru 
for five years, handing over his charge to his successor, in 1 569, to return 
to Spain and resume his seat at the council board of the Indies. 

Don Francisco de Toledo, second son of the third Count of Oropesa, 
was the king's major-domo, and was advanced in years when he was 
selected to succeed the licentiate Lope de Castro. In his ^ase the title 
of viceroy was revived, and was retained by his successors until the 
independence. Landing at Payta, the viceroy Toledo travelled along 
the coast, closely observing the condition both of Spaniards and Indians ; 
and he then made up his mind to visit every province within his govern- 
ment. He made his public entrance into Lima on the 26th of November, 
1569. 

Toledo was assisted by statesmen of great ability and experience, who 
warmly sympathized with the aboriginal races, and were anxious for their 
welfare. Chief among his advisers was the licentiate Polo de Ondegardo, 
who had now been several years in Peru, had filled important administra- 
tive posts, — especially as corregidor of Charcas and of Cusco, — and had 
studied the system of the government and civilization of the Yncas with 
minute attention, especially as regards the tenures of land, and always with 
a view to securing justice to the natives. The licentiate Juan Matienzo 
was another upright and learned minister who had studied the indigenous 
civilization and the requirements of colonial policy with great care ; while 
in affairs relating to religion and the instruction of the people, the viceroy 
consulted the accomplished Jesuit author, Jos6 de Acosta. 

But the conduct of Toledo with regard to the Ynca royal family was 
dictated by a narrow view of political expediency, and was alike unwise 
and iniquitous. He reversed the generous and enlightened policy of the 
Marquis of Caflete. After the death of Sayri Tupac, the Ynca court had 
again retired into the mountain fastnesses of Vilcabamba, where the late 
Ynca's two brothers, Titu Cusi Yupanqui and Tupac Amaru, resided with 



PIZARRO, AND THE CONQUEST OF PERU AND CHILI. 553 

many native chiefs and followers. When the new viceroy arrived at 
Cusco, in January, 1571, the Ynca Titu Cusi sent an embassy to him, 
and requested that ministers of religion might be sent to Vilcabamba. 
Accordingly, the friar Diego Ortiz arrived at the Ynca court; but almost 
immediately afterward Titu Cusi sickened and died, and the superstitious 
people, believing that it was the work of the friar, put him to death. The 
youthful Tupac Amaru was then proclaimed Ynca, as successor to his 
brother. This gave the viceroy the pretext he sought. He despatched 
a strong force into Vilcabamba, under the command of Martin Garcia 
Loyola, who was married to an Ynca princess, the daughter of Sayri 
Tupac. Loyola penetrated into Vilcabamba, and took young Tupac 
Amaru prisoner on the 4th of October, 1571. He was brought to Cusco 
and confined in a palace, under the shadow of the great fortress, which 
until now had belonged to the family of his uncle, the Ynca Paullu. But 
the viceroy had seized it as a strong position to be held by Spanish troops 
under his uncle Don Luis de Toledo. There was a trial for the murder 
of the friar; several chiefs were sentenced to be strangled, and Tupac 
Amaru, who was perfectly innocent and against whom there was no 
evidence, was to be beheaded. 

The young sovereign was instructed for several days by two monks who 
were excellent Quichua scholars, and who spoke the language with grace 
and elegance. He was then taken to a scaffold, which had been erected 
in the great square. The open spaces and the hills above the town were 
covered with dense crowds of people. When the executioner produced 
his knife, there was such a shout of grief and horror that the Spaniards 
were amazed, and there were few of them with a dry eye. The boy was 
perfectly calm. He raised his right arm, and there was profound silence. 
He spoke a few simple words of resignation, and the scene was so heart- 
rending that the hardest of the conquerors lost self-control. Led by the 
bishop and the heads of the monasteries, they rushed to the house of 
the viceroy and threw themselves on their knees, praying for mercy and 
entreating him to send the Ynca to Spain to be judged by the king. 
Toledo was a laborious administrator, but his heart was harder than the 
nether millstone. He sent off the chief Alguazil, of Cusco, to cause the 
sentence to be executed without delay. The crime was perpetrated amid 
deafening shouts of grief and horror, while the great bell of the cathedral 
was tolled. The body was taken to the palace of the Ynca*s mother, and 
was afterward interred in the principal chapel of the cathedral, after a sol- 
emn service performed by the bishop and the chapter. Toledo caused 
the head to be cut off and stuck on a pike beside the scaffold ; but such 
vast crowds came to worship before it every day, that it was taken down 
and interred with the body. 

The judicial murder of Tupac Amaru was part of a settled policy. 

Toledo intended to crush out all remains of reverence and loyalty for 

the ancient family among the people. He confiscated the property of 
VOL. II. — 70. 



I 




PIZARRO, AND THE CONQUEST OF PERU AND CHILI. 555 




' [Fac-simile of the engraving is given in describes Cusco soon afler Ihe Conquest, »n<] 
Montanus and in Ogilby. Gatcilasso de la Vega explains the di'siribulion o( buildings which was 



556 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 

the Yncas, deprived them of most of the privileges they had hitherto been 
allowed to retain, and even banished the numerous half-caste children of 
Spaniards by Ynca princesses. 

At the same time he labored diligently to formulate and establish a 
colonial policy and system of government on the ruins of the civilization 
of the Yncas. 

The instructions of the kings of Spain, through their council of the 
Indies, were remarkable for beneficence and liberality in all that concerned 
the natives. Strict orders were given for their instruction and kind treat- 
ment, and special officers were appointed for their protection. But at the 
same time there were incessant demands for increased supplies of treasure 
from the mines. It was like the orders of the directors of the East India 
Company to Warren Hastings, — justice to the natives, but more money. 
The two orders were incompatible. In spite of their beneficent rules and 
good intentions, the Spanish kings must share the guilt of their colonial 
officers, as regards the treatment of the natives. It is right, however, that 
the names of those conquerors should be recorded who displayed feelings 
of sympathy and kindness for their Indian vassals. Lorenzo de Aldana, 
who took a prominent and important part in the civil wars, died at 
Arequipa in 1556, and left all his property to the Indians whom he had 
received in repartimiento, for the payment of their tribute in future years. 
Marcio Sierra de Leguizamo described the happy condition of the people 
when the Spaniards arrived, and in his will expressed deep contrition at 
having taken part in their destruction. Garcilasso de la Vega was ever kind 
and considerate to his Indian vassals. Cieza de Leon in his writings^ 
shows the warmest sympathy for the Ynca people. There were, however, 
too many of the first conquerors of a different stamp. 

The viceroy Toledo wisely based his legislation on the system of the 
Yncas. His elaborate code, called the Libro de TasaSy was the text-book 
for all future viceroys. He fixed the amount of tribute to be paid by the 

made among the conquerors. A plan of the Early plans or views of Cusco are given in 

ancient and modern city, showing the con- Ramusio, vol. iii. p. 412 (see ante, p. 554); in 

querors* houses, is given in Markham*s Royal Miinster*s G^Jiw^^ra/zftw, 1572 and 1598; in Braun 

Commentaries of De la Vega, vol. ii., and in the and Hogenberg's Civitates ortns terrarum ; in De 

Journal of the Royal Geographical Society, 187 1, Bry, part vi., and in Herrera (1728), vol. iii. p. 

p. 281. A plan of the ancient and modem town, 161. There is a large woodcut map of Cusco, 

by E. G. Squier, is given in that author's Peru, in Ant. du Pinet's Plants, Pourtraitz et Descrip- 

Land of the Incas (New York), 1877, p. 428. The tions de plusieurs Villes, etc., Lyons, 1564. 
house of Pizarro is delineated in Charton's Vander Aa published a view at Leyden, and 

Voyageurs, vol. iii. p. 367 -, and the remains of another is in Rycaut*s translation of Garcilasso 

the palace of the first Inca, in Squier's Land de la Vega, -p. 12. Accounts of the modem 

of the Incas, p. 451. town are given by Markham, Squier, and 

Cieza de Leon says : " Cusco was grand and others, and there is a view of it in Tour du 

stately ; it must have been founded by a people Monde, 1863, p. 265. — Ed.] 
of great intelligence." (Markham's edition. ^ For the writings of Cieza de Leon, see the 

Travels, pp. 322, 327.) ** Critical Essay," post. 



PIZARRO, AND THE CONQUEST OF PERU AND CHILI. 557 

Indians, wholly exempting all males under the age of eighteen, and over 
that of fifty. He recognized the positions of hereditary nobles or curacas, 
assigning them magisterial functions, and the duty of collecting the tribute 
and paying it to the Spanish corregidors. He enacted that one seventh 
part of the population of every village should be subject to the mitay or 
forced labor in mines or factories ; at the same time fixing the distance 
they might be taken from their homes, and the payment they were to 
receive. It was the abuse of the mita system, and the habitual infraction 
of the rules established by Toledo, which caused all the subsequent misery 
and the depopulation of the country. Humane treatment of the people 
was incompatible with the annual despatch of vast treasure to Spain. 
Toledo also fixed the tenures of land, organized local government by 
corregidors, and specified the duties of all officials, in his voluminous 
code of ordinances. 

In the days of this viceroy the Inquisition was introduced into Peru, 
but the natives were exempted from its penalties as catechumens. Hereti- 
cal Europeans or Creoles were alone exposed to its terrible jurisdiction. 
The first auto da // took place at Lima on November 19, 1573, when 
a crazy old hermit, suspected of Lutheranism, was burned. Another was 
celebrated with great pomp on the 13th of April, 1578, the viceroy and 
judges of the Audiencia being present in a covered stand on the great 
square of Lima. There were sixteen victims to suffer various punishments, 
but none were put to death. 

During the government of Toledo, in 1579, Sir Francis Drake appeared 
on the coast of Peru,^ and in the following year the viceroy despatched an 
important surveying expedition to the Straits of Magellan under Sarmiento. 
After a long and eventful period of office, extending over upwards of twelve 
years, Don Francisco de Toledo returned to Spain. He was coldly 
received by Philip II., who said that he had not been sent to Peru to 
kill kings, and dismissed him. He was a hard-hearted man, but a con- 
scientious and able administrator, and a devoted public servant. 

Don Martin Henriquez, second son of the Marquis of Alcanizes, was 
then viceroy of Mexico, whence he was removed to Peru as successor to 
Toledo. He entered Lima on the 28th of September, 1581. He worked 
assiduously to carry out the ordinances of his able predecessor in all 
branches of administration ; but his career was cut short by death after 
holding office for eighteen months. He died on the 15th of March, 1583, 
and was buried in the church of San Francisco. In 1582 he had founded 
the college of San Martin, to be under the rule of Jesuits, and on the 15th 
of August of the same year the second council of Lima assembled under 
the presidency of the archbishop. 

Loaysa, the first archbishop of Lima, died in 1575, and the see was 
vacant for six years. Toribio de Mogrovejo was consecrated at Seville in 
1580, and entered Lima May 24, 1581, at the age of forty-three. He at 

» ISee Vol. III. p.6d — Ed.1 




PERU {afltr Wytfiici, 




CHILI (aiUr Wj^M, 1597). 



560 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 

once began the study of the Quichua language, to prepare for his tours of 
inspection. He had a mule, but generally travelled on foot, stopping in 
villages and at wayside huts, instructing, catechising, and administering the 
sacraments. He penetrated into the most inaccessible fastnesses of the 
Andes and visited all the coast valleys, journeying over burning deserts, 
along snowy heights, and through dense forests, year after year untiringly. 
He founded the seminary at Lima, for the education of priests, which is now 
known by his name. Besides the council of 1582, he celebrated two other 
provincial councils in 1592 and 1601, and ten diocesan synods. The princi- 
pal work of these assemblies was to draw up catechisms and questions for 
the use of priests, with a view to the extirpation of idolatry, and to regulate 
parochial work. The good archbishop died at Safla on the coast, during one 
of his laborious visitations, on the 23d of March, 1606. He was canonized 
in 1680, and is revered as Saint Toribio. During his archiepiscopate a girl 
was born at Lima, of very poor and honest Spanish parents, named Rosa 
Flores, and was baptized by Saint Toribio in 1586. Her goodness and 
charity were equalled by her surpassing beauty, which she dedicated to 
God; and after her death, in 16 17, a conclave of theologians decided that 
she had never strayed from the right path in thought or deed. She was 
canonized in 1671, and Santa Rosa is the patron saint of Lima, with her 
festival on the 30th of August.^ 

Don Fernando de Torres y Portugal, Conde de Villar Don Pardo, the 
successor of Henriquez, did not reach Lima until the 20th of November, 
1586. He endeavored to prevent abuses in taking Indians for the ^nitUy 
and ordered that none should be sent to unsuitable climates. During the 
previous forty years negroes had been imported into the coast valleys of 
Peru in considerable numbers as slaves, and supplied labor for the rich 
cotton and sugar estates. The Conde de Villar was an old man, with good 
intentions but limited capacity. He allowed abuses to creep into the 
financial accounts, which were in great confusion when he was superseded 
in the year 1 590. 

Don Garcia Hurtado de Mendoza, the fourth marquis of Canete, had 
already served in Peru, when his father was viceroy, and had won renown 
in his war with the Araucanians. He had also seen service in Germany 
and Italy. Married to Dofla Teresa de Castro y de la Cueva, granddaughter 
of the proud Duke of Albuquerque, he was the first viceroy who had been 
allowed to take a vice-queen with him to Peru, and he was also accompanied 

^ [A life of Santa Rosa, by Leonard de its consummation is printed in the Mtrcure dt 

Hansen, was printed at Rome in 1664. A France {iSyi). A Spanish translation of Hansen, 

Spanish translation, La bienaventurada Rosa, by Antonio de Lorea, was issued at Madrid in 

etc., by Father lacinto de Parra, was published 167 1; and a Portuguese version appeared at 

at Madrid in 1668. It is enlarged upon the ori- Lisbon in 1669 and 1674. Another Life, by 

ginal from documents gathered to induce the Acufia, bishop of Caracas, was printed at Rome 

Pope to canonize her. De Parra, in his Rosa in 1665. A metrical Vida de Santa Rosa^ by 

Z^jx/r^fld"*! (Madrid, 1670), gives an account of the Oviedo y Herrera has the imprint of Madrid* 

movement to effect her canonization; and an 171 1. (Cf. Leclerc, 1705, 1754-56, 1784, 1812 

account of the solemnities on the occasion of 181 3.) — £d.] 



PIZARRO, AND THE CONQUEST OF PERU AND CHILI. 56 1 

by her brother, the gallant and chivalrous Don Beltran de Castro y Cueva, 
as commander of the forces. On the 6th of January, 1590, the new viceroy 
made his solemn entry into Lima, in a magnificent procession of richly 
adorned Indian nobles, arquebusiers and pikemen, gentlemen of the house- 
hold, judges of the Audieftcia, professors and students of the University of 
San Marcos, and kings-at-arms. The marquis came out with the usual in- 
junctions to enforce the kindly treatment of Indians, but he received urgent 
demands from the king for more and more money. In 1591 he imposed the 
alcabala, or duties on sales in markets, and on coca. He was obliged to 
send increasing numbers of victims to the silver mines, and to the quick- 
silver mines of Huancavelica. He made numerous ordinances for the reg- 
ulation of industries and of markets, the suppression of gambling, and the 
punishment of fugitive slaves. He founded the college of San Felipe and 
San Marcos at Lima in 1592. He despatched an important expedition un- 
der Mandaiia, which discovered the Marquesas Islands. He was an active 
and intelligent ruler; but all the good he attempted to do was counter- 
balanced by the calls for treasure from Spain. He sent home 1,500,000 
ducats, besides value in jewels and plate. 

After having governed Peru for six years and a half, the Marquis of 
Caftete begged to be allowed to return home. He was succeeded by Don 
Luis de Velasco, Marquis of Salinas, who came from Mexico, where he 
had been the viceroy. The Marquis of Salinas entered Lima on the 24th 
of July, 1596, and governed Peru until the end of 1604. 

Chili had been comparatively quiet under the immediate successors of 
Don Garcia Hurtado de Mendoza, although the war with the Araucanians 
had never actually ceased. In 1583 Philip II. selected a military officer of 
great experience and approved valor as governor of Chili. Don Alonso 
de Sotomayor left Spain for Buenos Ayres with seven hundred men, and 
made the journey across the Pampas and over the pass of Uspallata, reach- 
ing Santiago on the 22d of September, 1583. He and his brother Luis 
carried on a desultory war against the Araucanians for several years. 
During 1588 the attacks of the Indians were led by an intrepid heroine 
named Janequeo, who was resplved to avenge the death of her husband. 
The governor was superseded in 1592 and proceeded to Callao, where he 
commanded a ship, under Don Beltran de Cueva, in the fleet which at- 
tacked and captured Sir Richard Hawkins and his ship. Sotomayor then 
returned to Spain. 

The new governor of Chili was Don Martin Garcia Onez de Loyola, the 
same cavalier who married an Ynca princess, and captured young Tupac 
Amaru. He was a Basque, of the province of Guipuzcoa, and a near relative 
of Saint Ignatius. He arrived at Valparaiso, with four hundred soldiers and 
abundant supplies of warlike stores, on the 23d of September, 1592, reach- 
ing Santiago on the 6th of October. The Araucanians had elected the 
aged chief Paillamacu as their toqui, with two younger warriors named 

VOL. II. —71. 



562 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 

Felantaru and Millacalquia as his lieutenants. Believing the subjugation 
of Araucaria to be practicable, the new governor traversed the country 
between Imperial and Villarica during the year 1597, but failed to discover 
his astute foes. In the spring of 1598 Loyola was at Imperial, where he 
received a letter from his wife, the Ynca princess Dofia Beatriz Coya, 
urging him to retreat to Concepcion, as the Araucanians were rising. 




He set out f6r Angol, accompanied by only sixty officers, on the 21st 
of November, 1598, and stopped for the night in the valley of Curalaba. 
When all were wrapped in sleep, the tents were attacked by five hundred 
native warriors, and the governor was killed, with all his companions. 
His widow, the Ynca princess, went to Spain with a young daughter, 
who was given in marriage by Philip III. to Juan Henriquez de Borja, 
heir of the house of Gandia, and was at the same time created Marquesa 
de Oropesa. 

The death of the governor was a signal for a general rising. Within 
forty-eight hours there were thirty thousand Araucanian warriors in the 



PIZARRO, AND THE CONQUEST OF PERU AND CHILI. 563 

field under the toqui Paillamacu. All the Spanish towns south of the river 
Biobio were taken and destroyed, the invasion was hurled back beyond 
Concepcion, and the Spaniards were placed on the defensive. 

The seventeenth century opened in Peru with a period of peace, during 
which the system of government elaborated by the viceroy Toledo was to 
be worked out to its consequences, — and in Chili, with the prospect of a 
prolonged contest and an impoverished treasury. In both countries the 
future of the native races was melancholy and without hope. 



CRITICAL ESSAY ON THE SOURCES OF INFORMATION. 

THE king of Spain instituted the office of historiographer of the Indies, and that post 
was held foi* upwards of half a century by the learned Antonio de Herrera, who died 
in 1625. All the official reports and correspondence were placed in his hands, and he had 
the use of a great deal of material which is now lost ; so that he is indispensable as an 
authority.^ His great work, Historia General cU las Indias Occidentales^ covers the whole 
ground from 1492 to 1554, and is divided into eight decades, in strict chronological order. 
The history of the conquest of Peru and of the subsequent civil wars is recorded with ref- 
erence to chronological order as bearing on events in other parts of the Indies, and not 
connectedly. The work first appeared in 1601 and 1615, in five folio volumes, and was repub- 
lished in 1730. The English version by Stevens, in six octavo volumes (1725), is worth- 
less. The episode relating to the descent of the river Amazon by Francisco de Orellana 
{Herrera^ dec. vi. lib. ix.), was translated by Clements R. Markham, C. B., and printed for 
the Hakluyt Society in 1859 ^ * P^''^ of ^^ volume called Expeditions into the Valley of 
the Amazons. 

Francisco Lopez de Gomara was another compiler, who never personally visited Peru, 
and is best known for his history of the conquest of Mexico. His narrative of the conquest 
of Peru forms an important part of his work entitled Historia de las Indias. Although 
he was a contemj)orary, and had peculiarly good opportunities for obtaining trustworthy 
information, he was careless in his statements, and is an unsafe authority.^ 

Gonzalo Fernandez de Oviedo y Vald^s, born in 1478 of an old Asturian family, was an 
eye-witness of the events on the isthmus which directly led to the discovery of Peru. He 
went out with the governor Pedro Arias in 15 13, and was at Panamd when Pizarro and 
Almagro were fitting out their first expedition. He afterwards resided for many years in 
Hispaniola, and at his death, in 1557, he was chronicler of the Indies, the predecessor of 
Herrera. He was devoted to historical composition, interspersing his narrative with anec- 
dotes and personal reminiscences ; but most of his works long remained in manuscript. 
His two chapters on the conquest of Peru cover the ground from the landing of Pizarro to 
the return of Almagro from Chili.' 



1 [Sec Introduction (p. i) and p. 67. — Ed.] 
« [Of. the chapter on Cortes.— Ed.] 
• [The bibliography of Oviedo is traced in a 
note following the chapter on Las Casas. Pres- 
cott has measured him as an authority in his 
Peru (Kirk's edition, vol. ii. p. 305). Helps 
speaks of his history as a ''mass of confusion 
and irrelevancy; but at the same time,*' he 
adds, " it is a most valuable mine of facts." A 



paper, appended to the combined edition of Peter 
Martyr and Oviedo published at Venice in 1534, 
seems to have been enlarged upon a tract La 
Conquista del Peru, published at Seville in 1534 
(Bibl. Amer, Vet. p. 199), and is thought to bear 
some relation to nie *' Relatione d'un Capitano 
Spagnuolo" given in Ramusio, vol. iii. {Biblh 
otkeca Gretwilliana, vol. ii. p. 536; Sabin, xvi, 
no. 61,097). — Ed-I 



564 



NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 



It is, however, a relief to escape from compilers; and to be able to read the narratives 
of the actual actors in the events they describe. The first adventurer who attempted to dis- 
cover Peru was the aeUlantado Pascual de Andagoya, and he has recorded the story of his 
failures. Born of a good stock in the province of Alava, Pascual went out to Darien when 
very young, with the governor Pedro Arias, in 15 14. After the failure of his first attempt 
he was in Panamd for some years, and in 1 540 received the government of the country round 
the Rio San Juan, the scene of Pizarro's early suflferings. Here he founded the town of 
Buenaventura ; but having got into a dispute with Benalcazar respecting the boundaries of 
their jurisdictions, Andagoya returned to Spain, where he remained ii\^ years. He accom- 
panied the president Gasca to Peru, and died at Cusco on the i8th of June, 1548. He had 
broken his leg, but was recovering, when fever supervened, which carried him off. Gasca 
reported that his death was mourned by all, because he was such a good man, and so zeal- 
ous in the service of his country. The historian Oviedo, who knew him well in the early 
days of the Darien colony, speaks of Andagoya as a noble-minded and virtuous person. 
He was a man of some education ; and his humane treatment of the Indians entitles his 
name to honorable mention. His interesting narrative long remained in manuscript at 
Seville, but it was at length published by Navarrete.^ An English translation,^ by Clements 
R. Markham, C. B., with notes and an introduction, was printed for the Hakluyt Society 
in 1865.8 

Francisco de Xeres, the secretary of Pizarro, wrote his account of the early days of the 
conquest of Peru on. the spot, by order (March, 1533) of his master. He left Spain with 
Pizarro in January, 1530, returned to Seville with the first instalment of gold from Caxamarca 
in July, 1534 ; and his narrative, which embraces the period between these dates, was printed 
at Seville in the same year.* This edition and that of 1547, printed somewhat carelessly at 
Salamanca, are extremely rare.* The third and best-known edition was published at Madrid 
in 1749 in the Barcia Collection, Historiadores primitivos de las Indias. Italian editions 
appeared in 1535,' and in 1556 in Ramusio ;' and a French version was published at Paris 
by M. Ternaux-Compans in 1837.* An English translation, with notes and ml introduction 
by Clements R. Markham, C. B., was printed for the Hakluyt Society in 1872. There is a 
freshness and reality in the story told by Xeres, owing to his having been an eye-witness 
of all the events he describes, which the more elaborate accounts of compilers cannot 



^ CoUccion de viages y descubrimientos, vol. iii. 
no. vii. p. 393. 

2 [Narrative of the Proceedings of Pedrdrias 
Davilla, and of the Discovery of the South Sea 
and Coasts of Peru, etc. — Ed.] 

* [Oviedo traces Andagoya's career in vol. iv. 
p. 126. Cf. Bancroft's Central America, vol. i. 
p. 503; Helps, vol. iii. p. 426; and the notice 
in Pacheco, CoUccion de documentos inMitos, vol. 
xxxix. p. 552 . — Ed.] 

* [ Verdadera relacion de la Conquista del Peru. 
There is a copy in the Lenox Library. Cf. Bibl. 
Amtr. Vet., no. 198. — Ed.] 

* [There are copies in the Lenox and Carter- 
Brown libraries. Quaritch in 1873 priced it at 
/'35. Cf. fiibl. Amer. Vet., p. 277 ; Ternaux, no. 
54; Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 146. It is some- 
times bound with Oviedo*s Coronica, and F. S. 
Ellis (1882, no. 221) prices the combined edition 
at £\0l. The Huth Catalogue y vol. v. p. 1628, 
shows an edition, Conquista del Peru, black-letter, 
without place or date, which Harrisse thinks pre- 
ceded this 1547 edition. The Huth copy is the 
only one known. — Ed.] 



^ [This Italian version (Venetian dialect) was 
made by Domingo de Gazlelu, and appeared at 
Venice ; and a fac-simile of the title is given here- 
with showing the arms of the emperor. Rich 
(no. II) in 1832 priced it at £\ 45-. ; Quaritch of 
late years has held it at £^ and ^'j ; F. S. Ellis 
(1884) at ;^I2, 12s. ; and Leclerc (no. 2,998) at 
750 francs. There are copies in the Lenox, 
Harvard College, and Carter-Brown (Catalogue, 
vol. i. no. 116) libraries. It was reprinted at 
Milan the same year in an inferior manner, and 
a copy of this edition is in the British Museum. 
Cf. Bibl. Amer. Vet., nos. 200, 201 ; Bibliotheca 
Grenvilliana, p. 818; Huth, p. 1 628; Court, no. 
376. What is said to be a translation of this 
Italian version into French, L'histoire de la terre 
nfuvedu Peru, Paris, 1545, signed I. G. (Jacques 
Gohory), purports to be an extract from Oviedo*s 
Historia. Ci. Bibl. Amer. Vet., no. 264; Court 
Catalogue, no. 175. — Ed.] 

7 [Vol.iii. p. 378. — Ed.] 

* [ Voyages, etc., vol. iv. This edition is worth 
about eight francs. A German edition is recorded 
as made by Kiilb at Stuttgard in 1843. — ^^*] 



P12ARR0, AND THE CONQUEST OF PERU AND CHILI. 565 



LIBRO PRI 

MO DE LA CONQ^VISTA 

dd PER.V K ptonioda del Cuzca 
dcklndic ocddcDtili. 




CoagatcHtfiniltgpspaaRBiX 

TmE OF XXR2S. VENICE 1535, 



566 



NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 



impart. Xeres has increased the value of his book by inserting the narrative of Miguel 
Astete, who accompanied Hernando Pizarro on his expedition to Pachacamac. 

Hernando Pizarro wrote a letter to the royal Audiencia of Santo Domingo, which 
goes over the same ground as the narratives of Xeres and Astete, but is of course much 
briefer. It is peculiarly valuable as containing the observations of the man of highest 
rank in the expedition who was able to write. ^ The letter is dated November, 1533, and 
was written on his way to Spain with the treasure. Oviedo gives it in his Historia Gefural,"^ 
and it is printed by Quintana in his Vidas de EspaTioles celebres.^ It was translated into 
English by Clements R. Markham, C. B., and printed for the Hakluyt Society in 1872 in 
the volume of Reports on the Discovery of Peru. 

Pedro Sancho, the notary, wrote a note of the distribution of the ransom of Atahualpa, 
with a list of the conquerors and the amount each received. It is contained in the inedited 
work of Francisco Lopez de Caravantes, and was reprinted by Quintana in his Vidas de 
Espaholes celebres. An English translation by Clements R. Markham, C. B., was printed for 
the Hakluyt Society in 1872, in the volume already cited. See also Ramusio^ vol. iii. p. 
414, for an Italian version, in which form it was used by Robertson and Prescott.* 

Vicente de Valverde, the Dominican friar who accompanied Pizarro in the conquest 
of Peru and took part in the imprisonment and murder of Atahualpa, was made tishop of 
Cusco in 1536. On his way to Spain, in 1541, he landed on the island of Puna, in the Bay 
of Guayaquil, was seized by the natives, and put to death with his brother-in-law and 
twenty-six other Spaniards. He wrote a detailed Carta-relacion on the afEairs of Peru, 
which is still inedited. He also addressed letters to the emperor Charles V., which 
contain original information of great value. A copy of one, dated Cusco, April 2, 1539, 
was among Sir Thomas Phillipps's collection of manuscripts. It is frequently quoted by 
Helps. 

Pedro Pizarro, a cousin of the conqueror, went out as his page in 1530, when only 
fifteen. He was an eye-witness of all the events of the Conquest, and of the subsequent civil 
wars, having retired to Arequipa after the assassination of his patron. Here he probably 
wrote his Relaciones del Descubrimiento y Conquista de los Reynos del Peru^ finished in 
1571. It is a plain, unadorned statement of facts, but of the highest value as an authority. 
It remained in manuscript for centuries, but was at length printed in the Coleccion de 
documentos iniditos para la historia de Espana^ v. 201-388.* 

The death-struggle between the Pizarros and the old marshal Almagro is fully told in 
the above general histories ; but light is also thrown upon the story from other directions. 
Among the manuscripts in the National Library at Madrid • there is an autobiography by 
a young scapegrace of noble birth named Alonzo Enriquez de Guzman, comprising a period 
from 1 5 18 to 1543, from his nineteenth to his forty-fourth year. The early part reminds 
one of the adventures of Gil Bias ; but in 1534 he went to Peru, and was a principal actor 
in the events which took place between the departure of Almagro for Chili in 1535 and 



1 [Prescottsays (/Vn/, vol. i. p. 385) : "Allow- 
ing for the partialities incident to a chief actor 
in the scenes he describes, no authority can rank 
higher." — Ed.] 

2 Chap. XV. lib. 43. 

• Paris, 1845, P- '^• 

♦ [Harrisse, Bihl. Amer. Vet.y Additions, no. 
109, notes, but not de visu, a plaquette enumer- 
ating the treasure sent to Spain by Pizarro in 
1534. F. S. Ellis (1884, no. 235) priced at ;{;2I 
a second copy of the tract mentioned by Har- 
risse (no. 108) as known only in a copy in a 
private library in New York, entitled Copey etli- 
cher brieff so atiss Hispania Kummen scindt, I53S» 
which purports to be translated tlyough the 



French from the Spanish. Ellis pronounces it 
a version of Harrisse's no. 109, the only copy 
known of which was, as he says, lost in a bind- 
er's shop. Cf. the Libro ultimo dt le Indie occi- 
dentale intitulato nova Castiglia, e del Conquisto del 
Peru, published at Rome, May, 1535 (Sunder- 
land, vol. i. no. 265). For the effect of Peru- 
vian gold on prices in Europe, see Brevoort's 
VerrazanCj p. iii. — Ed.] 

^ [It would seem to have been used by Her- 
rera. Navarrete communicated a ropy to Pres» 
cott, who characterizes it in his Conquest of 
Peru, ii. 72. — Ed.] 

• Papeles Manuscripts Originates y Ineditos^ 
G. 127. 



PIZARRO, AND THE CONQUEST OF PERU AND CHILL 567 

his execution in 1538. Don Alonzo seems to have quarrelled with Hernando Pizarro 
during the siege of Cusco, and warmly espoused the cause of Almagro, who made him 
one of his executors. The latter portion of the autobiography, including a long letter to 
the emperor on the conduct of Hernando Pizarro, is very interesting, while the frankness 
of Don Alonzo's confessions as regards his own motives is most entertaining. The Life 
and Acts of Don Alonzo Enriquez de Guzman was translated and edited by Clements 
R. Markham, C. B., and printed by the Hakluyt Society in 1862. It had up to this time 
escaped notice. 

The last years of the marquis Pizarro were occupied in laying out and building the 
capital of Peru, and we are indebted to the researches of the learned Peruvian, Don 
Manuel Gonzalez de la Rosa, for having discovered the most detailed account of the 
founding and early history of Lima among the manuscripts in the Biblioteca Colombina 
at Seville. The Historia de la Fundacion de Lima was written by the Jesuit Bernab^ 
Cobo between 16 10 and 1629, and was first printed under the superintendence of Dr. De 
la Rosa in the Revisia Peruana} 

The story of the murder of Pizarro is told in the general histories, and there are some 
additional particulars in Montesinos. A very laudatory life of the marquis, which, how- 
ever, contain^ the results of original research, is contained in the VArones /lustres del 
Nuevo Mundo, by Fernando Pizarro y Orellana (Madrid, 1639). T^'s work also contains 
Lives of Pizarro*s brothers and of Almagro.^ 

But by far the best life of Pizarro, both as regards literary merit and conscientious 
research, is contained in the VidAs de Espafloles Celebres by Don Manuel Josef Quintana.* 
Quintana also gives the texts of the original agreement (1526) between Pizarro, Almagro, 
and Luque, and of the capitulation (July 26, 1529, at Toledo) between Queen Juana and 
Pizarro. These documents are also given by Prescott in the Appendix to the second 
volume of his Conquest of Peru.^ 

After the assassination of Pizarro, the licentiate Vaca de Castro, haying defeated the 
younger Almagro, succeeded as governor of Peru, and the history of his rule is told in his 
own letters. The first is to the emperor, reporting his arrival at Santo Domingo, and is 
very brief. The second, also to the emperor, is from Quito, and announces the assassi- 
nation of Pizarro and the rebellion of Almagro the lad. The third is addressed to the 
emperor from Cusco, after the battle of Chupas, and is a straightforward statement of his 
proceedings. The fourth is a long letter from Cusco to his wife on private affairs. There 
is also a long letter on the revolt of young Almagro and the battle of Chupas from the 
municipality of Cusco to the emperor. These letters are included in the great oflicial 
volume of Cartas de Indias published at Madrid in 1877, PP- 463-521. The Vida y 
elojio del licenciado Vaca de Castro^ Gobernador del Peru, was written by Antonio de 
Herrera, the chronicler of the Indies.* 

A good historian accompanied the ill-fated viceroy Blasco Nuflez de Vela to Lima. 
Augustin de Zarate was comptroller of accounts for Castile, and was sent out with the first 
viceroy to examine into the financial affairs of Peru. He collected notes and materials 
during his residence at Lima, and began the compilation of a history from the dis- 
covery by Pizarro to the departure of Gasca, when he returned to Spain. He had access 
to the best oflicial sources of information, and his work is not without value ; but he was 
strongly prejudiced, and his style is tedious and inelegant. He assigns as the reason for 
not having begun his narrative in Peru, that Carbajal had threatened any one who should 

1 Lima, 1880. 4 [Harrisse {Bibl. Am.Vet., 132) quotes from 

* [The author of the Varones was a grand- Asher's Catalogue, 1865, ^ Lettere di Pietro Arias, 

son of the daughter of Francisco Pizarro (cf. 1525, without place, which he supposes to refer 

Carter-Brown, ii. 465). H. H. Bancroft, Cenfral to the first expedition of Almagro, Pizarro, and 

America, ii. 273. — Ed. ] Luque. — Ed. ] 

» [It was published at Madrid in 1807, 1830, » [Cf. the notice of Herrera with references. 

1833, and at Paris in 1845.— Ed.] given in the Introduction —Ed.] 



568 



NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 



attempt to record his exploits. In the earlier portions he relied on the testimony of the 
actors still living ; but for the later part he was himself a spectator and actor. He had 
not intended to publish it in his lifetime ; but the commendation of the emperor, to whom 
it was shown, induced him to depart from his purpose. The original manuscript of Zarate 
is or was preserved at Simancas ; and Mufioz has disclosed how the printed volume differs 
considerably from it, in suppressing things too frankly stated, and in taking on a literary 
flavor not in the draft. Mufioz supposed that Florian d' Ocampo performed this critical 
office in passing the book through the press.^ His Historia del Descubrimiento y Con- 
quista eU la Provincia del Peru was printed at Antwerp in 1555,* and a folio edition 
appeared at Seville in 1577;' but the best edition of Zarate is in the Barcia Collection, 
vol. iii. It was included in 1853 in the Biblioteca de Autores Espaholes^ vol. xxvi.* 

A more important narrative of the civil war, which ended with the death of the viceroy 
Blasco Nufiez, was written by Pedro de Cieza de Leon, and has been recently published. 
Cieza de Leon landed in South America when he was barely fifteen, in the year 1534, and 
during his military service he conceived a strong desire to write an account of the strange 
things that were to be seen in the new world. ** Oftentimes," he wrote, ** when the other 
soldiers were reposing, I was tiring myself by writing. Neither fatigue, nor the ruggedness 
of the country, nor the mountains and rivers, nor intolerable hunger and suflfering have 
ever been sufficient to obstruct my two duties ; namely, writing, and following my flag and 
my captain without fault." In 1547 he joined the president Gasca, and was present 
at the final rout of Gonzalo Pizarro. He was many years in Peru, and he is certainly 
one of the most important authorities on Ynca history and civilization, whether we con- 
sider his peculiar advantages in collecting information, or his character as a conscientious 
historian. He lived to complete a great work, but unfortunately only a small j)ortion of 
it has seen the light. The first and second parts of the Chronicle of Cieza de Leon have 
been published, but they relate to Ynca civilization and are discussed in a chapter in the 
first volume of the present work. The third part, treating of the discovery and conquest 
of Peru by Pizarro, is inedited, though the manuscript is believed to have been preserved. 
Part IV. was divided into five books relating the history of the civil wars of the conquer- 
ors. Only the third book has been published in the Biblioteca HispatKhUltramarina. It 
was very ably edited by Don Mdrcos Jimenez de la Espada (Madrid, 1877), and is entitled 
La Guerra de Quito, The volume begins with the departure of the viceroy Blasco 
Nufiez de Vela from Spain, and consists of fifty-three chapters in the first part, the 
concluding portion forming a subsequent volume.* 

The proceedings of the president, Pedro de la Gasca, were recorded by himself in 
very full reports to the Council of the Indies, which almost amount to official diaries. The 
first, dated at Santa Marta on his way out, July 12, 1546, has been published in the 



^ [Prescott, ii. 494. — Ed.] 

* [There is a copy in the Carter-Brown Li- 
brary (Catalogue^ no. 207). Quaritch priced it 
in 1879 at £g. — Ed.] 

* [There is a copy in the Carter-Brown Col- 
lection (no. 316); and others were sold in the 
Brinley (no. 5,346) and Murphy (no. 2,808) sales, 
as well as in the Sunderland (no. 13,521) and 
the Old Admiral's sales (no. 329) in England. 
Quaritch priced a copy at ;£'i6 los. in 1883, — 
a rapid advance on earlier sales, but exceeded 
in 1884 by F. S. Ellis (;£'2i). Lcclerc (giving 
the date 1557) priced it in 1878 at 400 francs 
(no. 1,862). — Ed.] 

* [Zarate was early translated into other lan- 
guages. An Italian version appeared at Venice 
in 1563, translated by Alfonzo Ulloa (Carter- 
Brown, i. 246; Lcclerc, 1865 — 100 francs ; Ste- 



vens — /'3 y. ). Muller (Books on America ( 1872), 
nos. 1,231, etc.) entunerates five Dutch editions, 
the earliest edited by Willcm Silvius, Antwerp, 
1564 (the Carter-Brown copy is dated 1563, Cata^ 
logue, no. 245). In 1573 a new title and preface 
were put to the sheets of this edition. In 1596, 
1598, and 1623 there were editions at Amster- 
dam. There were French versions published 
at Amsterdam in 1700, 1717, 1718, 1719. smd at 
Paris in 1706, 17 16, 1742, 1752-54. '830. An 
English translation, made by T. Nicholas, was 
published at London in 1581 (Carter-Brown, vol. 
i. p. 285; Murphy, 2,213). Ellis priced a copy 
in 1884 at £2^. — Ed.] 

^ [For a detailed bibliography of the manu- 
scripts and editions of Cieza de L«on, with 
various references, see the Editorial Note fol- 
lowing this chapter. — Ed.] 



PIZARRO, AND THE CONQUEST OF PERU AND CHILI. 569 



official volume of Cartas de Indias (Madrid, 1877). Other published correspondence 
throws light on the astute proceedings of the president while he was at Panamd. His 
instructions to Lorenzo de Aldana, his letters to Gonzalo Pizarro, and the detailed report 
of his agent Paniagua have been published in the Revista de Lima, 1880. His report to 
the Council of the Indies, when on his way to attack Gonzalo Pizarro at Cusco (dated 
Andahuaylas, March 7, 1548), has not been edited. But the Chilian historian Don Diego 
Barros Arana has published^ the long despatch from Gasca to the Council, dated at 
Cusco, May 7, 1548, in which he describes the rout of Sacsahuana, the executions of 
Gonzalo Pizarro and Carbajal, and the subsequent bloody assize at Cusco. The docu- 
ment frequently quoted by Prescott (in book v. chap. iii. of his history) ^ as Relacion del 
Licenciado Gasca MS. is an abridged and mutilated copy of this despatch of May 7, 1548, 
from the Mufioz Collection,' and is preserved at Simancas. The sentence pronounced on 
Gonzalo Pizarro is published in the Revista Peruana (1880), from the original manuscript 
of Zarate's Chronicle.* Gasca continues his narrative in the despatches to the Council, 
dated at Lima, Sept. 25 and Nov. 26, 1548, which are also published by Barros Arana.^ 
There are six other despatches of the president from Lima, dated in 1549, in the Cartas 
de Indias. The invaluable papers of the president Gasca are not in the Archives at 
Seville, but have been preserved by his family.* 

But the best-known historian of the period during which the president Gasca was in 
Peru was Diego Fernandez de Palencia, usually called "el Palentino," from the place 
of his birth. He went out to Peru, served in the army which was raised to put down the 
rebellion of Giron, and having collected materials for a history, he was appointed chron- 
icler of Peru by the viceroy Marquis of Cafiete. Fernandez first wrote the history of 
the rebellion of Giron, in the suppression of which he was personally engaged ; and after- 
wards he undertook to write a similar account of the rebellion of Gonzalo Pizarro and 
the administration of Gasca. Fernandez is a very painstaking writer, and no history of 
the time enters so fully into detail ; yet it is pleasantly written, and the graver narrative is 
frequently relieved by anecdotes of personal adventures, and by amusing incidents. He 
is however a thorough-going partisan, and can see no redeeming feature in a rebellion, 
nothing but evil in the acts of rebels. His book is called Primera y Secunda Parte de la 
Historia del Peru, que se mando escrebir d Diego Fernandez, vecino de la ciudad de 
Palencia, It was published at Seville in 1571 (folio; primera parte, pp. 142; segunda 
parte, pp. 130). This is the only edition.' 

The first part of the work of the Ynca Garcilasso de la Vega relates to the history 
and civilization of the Yncas, and is discussed in the first volume of the present work. 
But the second part is a general history of the discovery of Peru, and of the civil wars 
down to the termination of the administration of the viceroy Toledo in Peru, and to the 
death of the governor Loyola in Chili. Like the first part, the second is rather a commen- 
tary than a history, for the Ynca quotes largely from other writers, especially from the 



^ [In his Proceso de Pedro de Valdivia i otros 
documentos iniditos concemientes a este conquista- 
doTy reunidos i anotados per Diego Barros Arana, 
Santiago de Chile (1873), 8° pp. 392. — Ed.] 

2 [The Philadelphia edition, 1879, vol. ii. 
p. 406. — Ed.] 

< The historiographer Juan Bautista MuRoz 
intended to have written an exhaustive history 
of America, but he only completed one volume. 
He however made copies of documents from 
the Seville Archives in 1782 and 1783, which 
form one hundred and fifty volumes. They are 
now in various libraries, but the greater part 
belongs to the Real Academia de la historia de 
Madrid. [See the Introduction to the present 
volume, p. iii. — Ed.] 
VOL. II. — 72. 



* Prescott's copy (in his Appendix, vol. ii. 
p. 471) unfortunately contains various inaccu- 
racies. 

* Ubi supra. 

* [Helps speaks of these family papers as in 
the possession of the Counts of Cancelada, 
and he used copies which were procured for 
him by Gayangos. Spanish Conquest^ New York 
edition, iv. 227. — Ed.] 

7 [Rich (no. 48) priced this edition in 1832 
at £1 y. ; Lcclerc (no. 1,733) ^"^ '^7^ *^ ^*^ 
francs. The Council of the Indies is said to 
have tried to check its circulation. A copy is 
in the Carter-Brown (i. 282) Collection; and 
another was sold in the Court sale recently 
(no. 128). — Ed.1 



570 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 

PaleDtino, always carefully indicating the quotations and naming the authors. But his 
memory was well stored with anecdotes that he had heard when a boy ; and with these he 
enlivens the narrative, while often a recollection of the personal appearance or of some 
peculiarity of the historical character whose deeds he is recording enables him to give a 
finishing touch to a picture. His father was a conqueror and an actor in most of the 
chief events of the time ; ^ his mother, an Ynca princess, and born in the city of Cusco ; 
so the future author had special advantage? fdr storing up information. He was born 
in I539» but a few years after the conquest and one year after the death of Almagro. 
He passed his school days at Cusco, with many other half-caste sons of the conquerors, 
and went to Spain in 1560, dying at Cordova in 1616. The first part of his great work 
on Peru originally appeared at Lisbon in 1609, the second part at Cordova in 161 7. The 
second and best edition of the two parts appeared at Madrid in ^723. The English trans- 
lation of Sir Paul Rycaut (1688) is worthless, and there has never been a complete Eng- 
lish version of the second part, which is entitled Historia General del Peru. The episode 
of the expedition of Gonzalo Pizarro to the land of cinnamon (part ii. lib. iii.) was trans- 
lated by Clements R. Markham, C.B., and printed for the Hakluyt Society in 1859.^ 

The licentiate Fernando Montesinos is an authority of some reputation, but chiefly 
valuable for his studies of native lore. He was altogether upwards of fifteen years in 
Peru. He was there a century after the conquest. His Memorias Antiguas Historiales 
exclusively relate to Ynca history; but his Annales contain a history of the conquest and 
of subsequent events, and include some original documents, and a few anecdotes which 
are not to be found olsewhere.^ 

The authorities for the final settlement of Peru, after the crushing of the spirit of 
revolt by the Marquis of Caflete, are a good deal scattered. A learned account of the 
life and administration of Andres Marquis of Cafiete himself will be found in the admi- 
rable Diccionario Histdrico-Biografico del Peru by General Mendiburu, published at 
Lima in 1880 ; which also contains a Life of his successor, the licentiate Lope Garcia 
de Castro. 

The viceroy Don Francisco de Toledo has left a deeper mark on the history of Peru 
by his Libro de Tasas and Ordenanzas relating to mines and the treatment of Indians. 
The transactions with reference to the judicial murder of Tupac Amaru and the perse- 
cution of the Ynca family are briefly related by Garcilasso de la Vega ; but there is a 
much more detailed account in the Coronica Moralizada del Or den de San Augustin en el 
Peru by Fray Antonio de la Calancha, published at Barcelona in 1638.* Calancha also 
gives the remorseful will of Mancio Sierra de Leguizamo, whose life-story is fully related 
by Don Jos^ Rosendo Gutierrez in the Revista Peruana (tomo ii. 1880). 

The story of the capture and execution of Tupac Amaru by the viceroy Toledo is told 
vet very full detail by Baltasar d'Ocampo, who was an eye-witness. His narrative has all 
the charm of honest truthfulness ; and yet the incidents, thus simply related, are as inter- 
esting as the most ingeniously constructed romance. Unfortunately the story, as told by * 

1 [A view of what is called the house of him. " His writings seem to me," he says, " en- 
Garcilasso de la Vega is given in Squier's Peru^ titled to little praise, either for the accuracy 
Land of the IncaSf ip. \/^i). — Ed.] of their statements or the sagacity of their 

2 [A detailed bibliographical note of Garci- reflections." — Ed.] 

lasso de la Vcga*s works on Peru is given in * [Cf. Rich, no. 226 £2 ios.\ Sabin, vol. iii. 
Note B, following the present chapter. — Ed.] no. 9,870 ; Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no. 450 ; Du- 
« [Prescott, who had copies of both manu- foss^, no. 11,818, — 2,180 francs. A second part 
scripts, speaks of the opportunities which Mon- was printed at Lima in 1653 by Cordova y 
tesinos enjoyed in his official visits to Peru, of Salinas, the same who published a Life of Fran- 
having access to repositories, and of making an cisco Solano, the apostle of Peru, at Lima in 
inspection of the country. He adds that a com- 1630, which appeared, augmented by Alonzo de 
parison of his narrative with other contempo- Mendieta, at Madrid in 1643 (Leclerc,nos. 1,714, 
rary accounts leads one sometimes to distrust 1,731. — Ed.] 



PIZARRO, AND THE CONQUEST OF PERU AND CHILI. 571 



Ocampo {Descripcion de la Provincia de San Francisco de Villcapampa)^ has never been 
printed. It is among the manuscripts of the British Museum.^ 

Polo de Ondegardo, the learned lawyer, was the principal adviser of the viceroy 
Toledo. He arrived in Peru before the president Gasca, and held the important posts of 
carregidor of Potosi and of CusCo. He had a profound knowledge of the Ynca system 
of government, and his two Relaciones? addressed to the Marquis of Caflete and the 
Conde de Nieva, discuss the land tenures, colonial policy, and social legislation of the 
natives. His labors were all undertaken with a view to adapting the best parts of the 
Ynca system to the new polity to be instituted by the Spanish conquerors ; and his 
numerous suggestions, from this standpoint, are wise and judicious. A feeling of sym- 
pathy for the Indians, and the evidence of a warm desire for their welfare pervade all his 
writings. There is another rough draft of a report by Polo de Ondegardo, a manuscript 
in the National Library at Madrid,' which contains much information respecting the 
administrative system of the Yncas ; and here, also, he occasionally points out the way 
in which native legislation might usefully be imitated by the conquerors. This report 
of Polo de Ondegardo was translated by Clements R. Markham, C.B., and printed for 
the Hakluyt Society in 1873 in the volume called Rites and Laws of the Incas, It is 
believed that Polo de Ondegardo died at Potosi in about the year 1580. 

The other adviser of the viceroy Toledo was a man of a very different character, a 
hard, relentless politician, indifferent alike to the feelings and the physical well-being of 
the conquered people. Judge Matienzo wrote a work in two parts on the condition of the 
people, the mita^ or forced labor, the tribute, the mining laws, and on the duties of the 
several grades of Spanish officials. The Gobierno de el Peru of Matienzo is a manuscript 
in the British Museum.* 

The whole body of ordinances and regulations relating to the aboriginal people and 
their treatment by the conquerors is fully explained and discussed by Dr. Don Juan de 
Solorzano, a profoundly learned jurist, and member of the Council of the Indies, in his 
Politica Indiana (Madrid, 1648). The history of encomiendas in Peru is well and ably 
discussed by Enrique Torres Saldamando in the Revista Peruana (vol. ii. 1880).* 

The second Marquis of Cafiete, who was viceroy of Peru in the last decade of the six- 
teenth century, was best known for his conduct of the Araucanian war, when, as a young 
man, he was governor of Chili. That famous war formed the subject of the epic poem of 
Alonzo de Ercilla, the warrior- poet. Bom at Bermeo on the shores of the Bay of Biscay, 
where the house of his ancestors is still standing, Ercilla began life as a page to the prince 
of Spain, and volunteered to go out and serve against the Araucanians, when news arrived 
of an outbreak and the death of Valdi via. Born in 1 533, he was only twenty-one when he 
set out for Chili under the command of the youthful governor Garcia Hurtado de Mendoza. 
Ercilla was present at seven regular battles, and suffered much from hardships during the 
harassing campaigns. He returned to Spain in 1562, after an absence of eight years. His 
Araucana^ is a versified history of the war, in which he describes all the events in their 



^ Additional Manuscripts, 17, 585. 

2 [These are dated 1561 and 1570. The 
originals are in the Escurial; copies are at 
Simancas. A copy, made for Kingsborough, 
became Prcscott's, who records his estimate of 
it (Pent, vol. i. p. 181). It is said that Herrera 
made use of Ondcgardo*s manuscript. — Ed.] 

8 Quarto on parchment, B. 135. 

* Additional Manuscripts, 5,469. 

^ [Cf. notes to chap, on I^s Casas. — Ed.] 

• [The first edition, of only fifteen cantos, was 
printed at Madrid in 1569. This was enlarged 
with a second part when issued at Antwerp it 
^575? again at Madrid, in 1578; and at Lisbon, 
in 1581-88. A third part was printed at Ma- 



drid in 1589, and at Antwerp in 1597 ; and the 
three parts, with a general title, appeared at 
Madrid in 1590, — the first complete edition as 
Ercilla wrote it. Two parts were again issued 
at Antwerp in 1586; and other editions appeared 
at Barcelona in 1592, and at Perpignan in 1596. 
A fourth and a fifth part were added by Osorio 
after Ercilla*s death, and appeared at Salaman- 
ca. '597. and at Barcelona, 1598. There were 
later complete editions at Madrid, 1633, 1776, 
1828; at Lyons, 1821; and at Paris, 1824 and 
1840. Cf. Sabin, vol. vi. no. 22,718; Ticknor, 
Spanish Literature^ ii. 465 ; Hallam, Literature 
of Europe^ ii. 284 ; Sismondi, Literature of South 
of Europe, ii. 271. — Ed.] 



572 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 

order, enumerates the contending chiefs, with a few lines to denote the character or special 
characteristic of each, and is minutely accurate even in his geographical details. He tells 
us that much of the poem was composed in the country, and that by the light of the camp- 
fires at night he wrote down what had occurred during the day. Ticknor looks upon the 
Araucana as an historical rather than an epic poem ; ^ smd he considers the descriptive 
powers of Ercillo — except in -relation to natural scenery — to be remarkable, the speeches 
he puts in the mouths of Araucanian chiefs often excellent, and his characters to be drawn 
with force and distinctness. Pedro de Ofia, in his Arauco Domado^ praises the governor, 
Hurtado de Mendoza, the future Marquis of Caftete ; and Lope de Vega made his Arauca- 
nian war the subject of one of his plays. 

The Life of the viceroy Marquis of Cafiete (Garcia) was written by Don Cristdval 
Suarez de Figueroa, a man of some literary fame in his day. When the marquis returned 
from Peru broken in health, he was treated with neglect and ingratitude; nor had he 
received full justice from Ercilla for his youthful exploits, — at least so thought his heirs 
when he died in 1599; and they applied to Suarez de Figueroa to undertake his biography, 
placing all the viceroy's family and official papers in the author's hands. The result was 
the Hechos de Don Garcia Hurtado de Mendoza^ cuarto Marques de Canete^ which was 
printed in 1613.' It was reprinted in the Coleccion de Historiadores de Chile ^ — a work 
published in seven volumes at Santiago in 1864, edited by Don Diego Barros Arana. This 
work contains a very full account of the administration of the marquis while he was vice- 
roy of Peru. 

Pedro de Valdivia has written his own history of his conquest and settlement of Chili, 
in his letters to the emperor, Charles V. They are preserved in the Archives at Seville 
among the documents sent from Simancas, and have been published by Claudio Gaye in 
his Historia de Chile (Paris, 1846), and also in the first volume of the Coleccion de Histo- 
riadores de Chile (Santiago, 1864). The first of Valdivia's despatches is dated from La 
Serena, Sept 4, 1545, and the second from Lima, June 15, 1548. In the third he reports 
fully on the state of affairs in Chili, and refers to his own previous career. It is dated 
from Concepcion, Oct 15, 1550. There are two others, dated Concepcion, Sept. 25, 1551, 
and Santiago, Oct. 26, 1552, which are short, and not so interesting. 

Some discontented soldiers brought a series of fifty-seven accusations against Valdi- 
via, which were considered by the president Gasca at Lima in October, 1548, — the result 
being acquittal. The Acta de Accusacion was published at Santiago in 1873 ^Y Barros 
Arana, together with Valdivia's defence and several other important historical documents. 
That accomplished Chilian historian has also edited a very interesting letter from Pedro 
de Valdivia to Hernando Pizarro, dated at La Serena on the 4th of September, 1545, which 
fell into the hands of the president Gasca, and remained among his papers ; and when he 
was at Seville in 1859, ^^ discovered one more unimportant letter from the Chilian con- 
queror to Charles V., dated at Santiago, July 9, 1549. The first book of the records of 
the Santiago municipality, called the Libra Becerroy embraces the years fi-om 1541 to 1557. 
It has been published in the first volume of the Coleccion de Historiadores de Chile, etc. 
(Santiago, 1861), and contains the appointment of Valdivia as governor of Chili, the found- 
ing of Santiago, with the nomination of the first municipal officers, ordinances for mines, 
and other important entries. 

There is thus ample original material for the opening chapter of the history of Chili* 
Moreover, the first connected work on the subject was written by one of the early con- 
querors. Gongora Marmolejo served under Valdivia, and was an eye-witness of all the 
stirring events of the time. His history begins at the discovery of Chili, in 1536, and 

1 ["A military journal done into rhjrme," as Spanish Literature^ ii. 469; Sabin, vol. xiv. na 

Prcscott calls it, — History of the Conquest of 57,300 ; Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 5061 — Ed.] 

Peruy ii. 108. — Ed.] • [This was reissued in x6i6. Rich, no. 143 

a [Published at Lima, 1596. Cf Ticknor. — ;fi4f. — Ed.] 



PIZARRO, AND THE CONQUEST OF PERU AND CHILI. 573 

is brought down to the year 1575. Written in Santiago, it is addressed to the president 
of the Council of the Indies ; and though the style is confused, and often obscure, the 
narrative has the merit of impartiality, and supplies many interesting details. It also has 
annexed documents, including a letter from Gonzalo Pizarro to Valdivia giving an account 
of events in Peru, down to the death of Blasco Nufiez de Vela. The Historia de Chile of 
Gongora Marmolejo remained in manuscript in the Biblioteca de Salazar (H. 45) until it 
was edited by Don Pascual de Gayangos, in 1850, for the fourth volume of the Memorial 
Histdrico Espahol. It has since been published in the Coleccion de Historiadores de Chile, 

The story of the surprise and death of the governor, Martin Garcia de Loyola, and of 
the subsequent formidable rising of the Araucanians in 1598, was written in the form of a 
poem by Captain Fernando Alvarez de Toledo. The work has no literary merit, and is 
only valuable as an historical narrative. The manuscript is in the National Library at 
Madrid, and it was published by Don Diego Barros Arana, in the Collection d'Ouvrages 
inddits ou rares sur VAmerique (Paris, 1861). An interesting modern account of the 
death of the governor Loyola, entitled La sorpresa de Curalava^ was written by the 
accomplished Chilian, Miguel Luis Amunitegui, and published as one of his Naraciones 
Histdricas (Santiago, 1876).^ 

The history of Chili, which follows Marmolejo in point of time, is by Cordova y Figu- 
eroa, a native of the country, and a descendant of Juan de Negrete, one of the followers 
of Valdivia. Cordova y Figueroa was born at Concepcion in 1692, served with credit in a 
war with the Araucanians, and is believed to have written the history between 1740 and 
1745. Beginning with the expedition of Almagro, it comes down to the year 1717, and 
is the most complete history that had been written up to that date. The manuscript was 
in the National Library at Madrid, and a copy was made for the Chilian government, 
under the auspices of Don Francisco S. Astaburriaga, who was then minister to Spain. 
It was published in the Coleccion de Historiadores de Chile, 

In this review of works on the conquest and first settlement of Peru and Chili, those 
which refer only to the history and civilization of the Yncas, or to geography and natural 
history, have been omitted, as they receive notice in the chapter on ancient Peru in the 
first volume of this History. 




EDITORIAL NOTES. 



A. CiEZA DE Leon. — It does not seem de- 
sirable to divide the bibliographical record of 
Cieza de Leon between the present and the first 
volume. His work was separated into four parts, 
— theyfrj/ relating to the geography and descrip- 
tion of Peru ; the second^ to the period of the In- 
cas ; the third y to the Spanish Conquest ; the 
fourth^ to the civil wars of the conquerors. The 
fate of each part has been distinct. 



Part I. Prescott {Peru, vol. ii. p. 306) 
speaks of this as more properly an itinerary or 
geography of Peru, presenting the country in its 
moral and physical relations as it appeared to 
the eye of the conquerors; and not many of 
them, it is probable, were so impressed as Cieza 
de Leon was with the grandeur of the cordilleras. 
This, as Parte primera de la chronica del Peru^ 
was published in folio at Seville, in 1553. In 



I [The Descubrimienio i Conquista de Chile of Miguel Luis Amunitegui, published at Saatiago de Chile 
in 1863, was a work presented to tiie University of Chili in x86x. -ȣd.] 



574 



NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 



Rich's time (183*) it was worth ^^5 5^.^ It was 
reprinted the next year (1554) at Antwerp in two 
distinct editions. One, La chrottica del Peru^ in 
duodecimo, has the imprint of Nucio ; the other, 
likewise in duodecimo, is printed in an inferior 
manner, and sometimes has the name of Bellero, 
and sometimes that of Steelsio* as publisher. 
This last edition has the larger title, Parte pri- 
mera de la chronica del Peru, iic, and was the 
one used by Prescott, and followed by Mark- 
ham in the translation, Travels of Cieza de Leon^ 
published by the Hakluyt Society in 1864.2 

In 1555 an Italian translation, La prima parte 
de la cronica del . . . Peru, appeared at Rome, 
made by Agostino Cravaliz, or Augustino di 
Gravalis.* A second edition — La prima parte 
deir iitorie del Peru — appeared the next year 
(1556) at Rome, and is found with the names of 
two different publishers.** 

At Venice, in 1 560, appeared the Cronica del 
gran regno del Peru, This makes a work of 
which the first volume is a reprint of Gravaliz' 
version of Cieza, and volumes ii. and Hi. contain 
an Italian version of Gomara in continuation 
offered by the same publisher, Ziletti, under the 
title. La seconda, terza parte delle historic dell 
India!* 

The English translation of Stevens (The 
Seventeen Years* Travels of Peter de Cieza through 
the mighty Kingdom of Peru and the large Prov- 
inces of Cartagena and Popayan in South America, 
from the City of Panama on the Isthmus to the 
Frontiers of Chile) was printed at London in 1709, 
and appeared both separately and as a part of 
his collection of Voyages. It gives only ninety- 
four of the one hundred and nineteen chapters. 

Part II. Rich, though he had heard of this 
part, supposed it to have disappeared ; and it is 
spoken of as missing by Markham in 1S64, and 
by Harrisse in his Bibl, Amer. Vet. (p. 319). 
The manuscript of it was meanwhile in the 
Escurial, preserved in a bad copy made about 
the middle or end of the sixteenth century ; but 
it is deficient in chapters i. and ii. and in part of 
chapter iii. Another manuscript copy not well 
done is in the Academy of History at Madrid. 



Lord Kingsborough had a copy, and from this 
Rich had a fifth copy made, which was used by 
Prescott; but it does not appear that any of 
these students suspected it to be the second 
part of Cieza de Leon. Prescott, supposing it 
to be written by the president of the Council of 
the Indies, Sarmiento, instead oifor that officer, 
ascribed it to him ; but Kirk, Prescott's editor 
(Peru, vol. ii. p. 308), has recognized its identity, 
which Dr. Manuel Gonzales de la Rosa estab- 
lished when he edited the Escurial manuscript 
in 1873. T^^s edition, though wholly printed in 
London, has not been made public. Following 
another transcript, and correcting the spelling, 
etc., Mdrcos Jimefnez de la Espada printed it at 
Madrid in 1880 as vol. v. of the Biblioteca His^ 
pano-Ultramarina. An English translation of it 
was made by Mr. Markham, and published by 
the Hakluyt Society in 1883. 

Part III. Markham reports that Espada 
says that this part is in existence, but inaccessible. 

Part IV. Espada is cited as asserting that 
books i. and ii. of this part are in existence, but 
inaccessible. 

A manuscript of book iii. is in the Royal 
Library at Madrid, in handwriting of the middle 
of the sixteenth century. It covers the period 
from the appointment of Blasco Nufiez as vice- 
roy in 1543 to a period just previous to Gasca's 
departure from Panama for Peru in 1547. A 
copy of this manuscript, belonging to Uguina, 
passed to Ternaux, thence to Rich, who sold it 
for £(xio to Mr. Lenox; and it is now in the 
Lenox Library. 

It has since been included under Espada's 
editing in the Biblioteca Hispano-Ultramarifta, 
and was published at Madrid in 1877 as Tercero 
libro de las Guerras Civiles del Peru^ 

Books iv. (war of Huarina) and v. (war of 
Xaquixaguana), and two appended commentaries 
on events from the founding of the Audiencia to 
the departure of the president, and on events 
extending to the arrival of the viceroy Mendoza, 
are riot known to exist, though Cieza refers to 
them as written. These would complete tho 
fourth part, and end the work. 



1 Cf. Rich, no. 24 ; Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 176 ; Murphy, no. 462 ; Sunderland, vol. iii. no. 7,575 ; Sabin, 
vol. iv. no. 13,044. 

2 Cf. Rich, nos. 26, 27 — £\ is. and £1 \05. ; Sabin, 13,045 - 13,046 ; Cooke, no. 523 ; Carter-Brown vol. i, 
nos. 185, 186 ; Court, no. 63 ; Ternaux, no. 66 ; Brinley, no. 5,345 ; Leclerc, no. 1,706, — 200 francs ; Quaritch, 
£5 and £10; F. S. Ellis (1884) ^7 'oj. The latest Spanish edition, Crdnica del Peru, constitutes vol. xxvi. 
of the Biblioteca de Autores Espanoles, published at Madrid in 1852. 

* Sabin, no. 13,047 ; Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 198. 

< There are copies in the Lenox and Carter-Brown (vol. i. no. 208) libraries. Cf. Sabin, nos. 13,048-13,049; 
Leclerc, no. 1,707 ; Trowel, no. 19. 

* There are copies in the Boston Public, Lenox, and Carter-Brown (vol. i. nos. 231, 249, 254) libraries. A 
set is worth about $20. (Sabin, nos. 13,050-13,052; Field, 314, 315 ; Rich, no. 39 — loj. ; Court, no. 6.1; 
Leclerc, no. 1,708; Sobolewski, 3,744; Dufoss6, no. 8,978.) Some copies are dated 1564, and dates between 
1560 and 1564 are on the second and third volumes (Sabin, no. 13,053). These three parts were again reprinted 
at Venice in 1576 (Sabin, no. 13,054 ; Leclerc, no. 1,709; Cooke, no. 524). 

A Cf. Leclerc, nos. 2,503, 2,672 ; CoUccion de documenios inidiios (Espana) vol. Ixviii. 



PIZARRO, AND THE CONQUEST OF PERU AND CHILI. 575 



What we know of Cieza is mainly derived 
from himself and the brief notice in Antonio's 
Bibliotheca Hispana Nova (Madrid, 1788). The 
writer of the foregoing chapter gives an account 
of Cieza's career, as well as it could be made out, 
in his translation of the Travels ; but he supple- 
ments that story in the introduction to his version 
of Part II. 

B. Garcilasso de la Vega. — The Primera 
parte de los Commentarios reales seems to have 
been printed — according to the colophon at 
Lisbon — in 1608, but to have been published 
in 1609. It has incidental notices of Spanish- 
American history, though concerned mainly 
with chronicles of the Incas.^ 

The second part, called Historia General del 
Pertly was printed at Cordova in 1616, though 
most copies are dated 161 7. The titles of the 
two dates slightly vary. This volume is of 
larger size than that of 1609.' 

The two parts were reprinted by Barcia at 
Madrid in 1722-1723.' There have been later 
editions of the Spanish at Madrid in 1800, and 
in 1829, in four volumes, as a part of a series ; 
Cottquista del Nuevo Mondo^ in nine volumes, 
which embraced also Solis's Ijlexico, Garcilasso 
de la Vega's Florida, and the Florida of Car- 
denas y Cano. 

Rycaut's English Royal Commentaries of 
Peru (London, 1688) was priced by Rich (no. 
420) in 1832 at ;^i 4J., and is not worth more 
now.^ Markham's English version of the first 
part was issued in two volumes by the Haklu3rt 
Society in 1869-1871. 

The French version (by J. Baudoin) of the 
first part was printed at Paris in 1633 as Le 
Commentaire Royal^ * and of the second part as 
His tot re des Guerres Civiles in 1650, and again 
in 1658 and 1672,^ and at Amsterdam in 1706.^ 
A French version of the first part was also 
printed at Amsterdam in 1715,^ and joined with 



the book on Florida; another French edition 
appeared at Amsterdam in 1737.^ A new trans- 
lation of this first part, made by Dalibard, was 
printed in Paris in 1744.^^ Baudoin's version 
of both parts was reissued in Paris in 1830.^ 
There was a German translation in 1798. 

An account of Garcilasso de la Vega and 
his ancestry is given by Markham in the intro- 
duction to his version of the Royal Commentaries 
of the Yncas. Another account is in the Docu- 
mefttos iniditos {Espaha)^ vol. xvi.^* 

The estimate held of him by Robertson has 
been largely shared among the older of the 
modern writers, who seem to think that Gar- 
cilasso added little to what he borrowed from 
others, though we find some traces in him of 
authorities now lost. The later writers are more 
generous in their praise of him. Prescott quotes 
him more than twice as often as he cites any 
other of the contemporary sources. (Cf. his 
Peru^ vol. i. p. 289.) 

Helps says that "with the exception of 
Bernal Diaz and Las Casas, there is not per- 
haps any historical writer of that period, on the 
subject of the Indies, whose loss would be more 
felt than that of Garcilasso de la Vega." 

C. Memoranda. — An early voyage to the 
coast is supposed to be indicated in an Italian 
tract of 1 52 1, mentioned in the catalogue of 
the Biblioteca Colombina. It is not now known, 
except in what is suppK)sed to be a German 
version.^* The first tidings (March 15, 1533) 
which Europe got of Pizarro's success came 
from a letter which was addressed to the 
emperor, probably in Spanish, though we have 
no copy of it in that tongue ; but it is preserved 
in Italian, Copia delle lettere del prefetto della 
India, la Nuava Spagna delta, a plaquette of 
two leaves, of which there is a copy in the Lenox 
Library. It is supposed to have been printed 
at Venice.^* This version is also included in the 



1 Rich priced it in 1832 at £1 loj., and Lederc in 1878 (no. 1,740) at 100 francs. There are copies in the 
Carter-Brown (vol. iL no. 96), Boston Public, and Harvard College libraries ; and others were sold in the 
Murphy (no. 2,589) and O' Callaghan (no. 963) collections. Cf. Sunderland, vol. ii. no. 5,358 ; vol. v. no. 12,814 ; 
Ticknor, Spanish lAterature, voL iii. p. 146. 

a There are copies in the Boston Public, Harvard College, and Carter-Brown (vol. ii. nos. 183, 197) libraries. 
Rich priced it in 1832 at £1 loj. ; Lederc (no. 1,741) in 1878 at 100 francs Cf. Murphy, no. 2,590; Huth. 
rol. ii. p. 574. 

» Lederc, no. 1,742; Carter-Brown, vol. iii. nos. 327-329; Fidd 589. 

* Cf. Prescott's Peru, vol. i. p. 294 ; Field, 592. 

« Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no. 405 ; Lederc, no. 1,745. 
^ Ibid., vol. ii. nos. 700, 842 ; Lederc, no. 1,744. 
7 Ibid., vol. iii. no. 82. 

* Ibid., vol. iii. no. 205. 

* Ibid., vol. iii. no. 561 ; Fidd, no. 591. 

^<> Lederc, no. 1,746; Carter-Brown, vol. iiL no. 768. 

11 Ibid., no. 1,747. 

13 Cf. Ticknor, Spanish IMeraiure, vol. iii. p. 1S8. 

1* Bibl, Amer. Vet., no. 102; Addifions, no. 65. 

1* Bibl. Amer. Vet., no. 193 ; Bibliotheca Grenvilliana, p. 537 ; Bibliot'uca Heberiana^yoi. 1. no. 1,961 



11 

I 

I 



II 

ij 576 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 

Libra di Benedetto (Venice, 1534). A German in 1642. It was apparently written before 1 631 f 

translation was printed at Nuremberg, Feb- but what Temaux affords us is only the first of 

ruary, 1 534, as Newe Zeitung aus Hispanien^ of the four books which constitute the completed 

four leaves.^ A French issue, Nauvelles cer- work.*'' Juan de Velasco's Histoire de QuitOt a 

jl taines des isles du Peru^ dated 1534, is in the work of a later day but based on the early 

f British Museum.^ Ticknor* cites Gayangos* sources, makes volumes xviii. and xix. of Ter- 

!• references to a tractate of four leaves, La Con- naux's collection. 

j quista del Peru^ which he found in the British Alonso de Ovalle's historical account of 

I Museum.^ Chili was issued at Rome in 1646, in Italian, as 

I It is not very clear to what city reference is Htstorica Relatione del Regno di Cile^ and the 

j made in a plaquette, Letera de la nobil cipta, same year at the same place in Spanish, as His- 

novamente ritroiwata alle Indie . . . data in tSrica Relacion del Reyne de Chile. Six of the 

Peru adi. xxv de novembre^ de MDXXXIIII. eight books are given in English in Churchiirs 

An edition of the next year (1535) is "data in Voyages (1732), and in Pinkerton." 
Zhaual." ^ Marco Guazzo's Historie di tutte le Among the minor documentary sources there 

cosedegnedi memoria qttal del anno MD XXI III. ^ is much of interest to be found in the Documen- 

etc., published at Venice in 1540, gives another tos iniditos (Espaha), vols, v., xiii., xxvi., xlix., 1., 

\ early account.^ It was repeated in the edition and li. 

1 1 of 1545 and 1546. The Ministerio de Fomento of Peru printed 
j The De Peruvia regionis, inter nam orbis at Madrid in 1 881 the first volumes — edited by 
) pravincias celeberrimct inventione of Levinus Jimenez de la Espada — oi Relaciones geogrdficas 
J Apollonius of Ghent was published at Antwerp de Indias. The editor supplied a learned intro- 
I in 1565, 1566, 1567, for copies with these duction, and the volume contained twelve docu- 
\ respective dates are found ; ^ though Sabin ments of the sixteenth century, which were then 
' I thinks Rich and Temaux are in error in assign- published for the first time ; ^^ and they con- 
ing an edition to 1 565. It covers events from tribute to our knowledge of the condition of the 
the discovery to the time of Gasca and the country during that period, 
death of Gonzalo Pizarro.^ It also appeared There are other documents covering the whole 
as a third part to the German translation of course of Peruvian history in the collection of 
Benzoni (Basle 1582). Documentos histdricos del Peru en las epocas del 
Temaux-Compans in his Voyages has pre- coloniage despues de la conquista y de la indepen- 
\ served in a French version several early chroni- dencia hasta a presenter colectados y arreglados par 

cles of minor importance. Such is Miguel el coronet Alanuel Odriozolay the first volume of 

Carello Balb6a's Histoire du Peru (in vol. xvii.), which was published at Lima about twenty-five 

the work of one who went to Bogota in 1566, years ago (1863). 

and finished his work at Quito in 1586. It Harrisse (^/i^/. .-4 m^. J^/., pp. 320-322) cnu- 

rehearses the story of the Inca rule, not always merates many copies of manuscripts preserved 

agreeing with Garcilasso, and only touches the in New York and Boston, some of which have 

( ^ Spanish Conquest as it had proceeded before since been printed. There is record of other 

i the murder of Atahualpa.^ Another work is manuscripts in New York in the Magazim of 

I the Histoire du Pirou of Father Anello Oliva, American History^ i. 254. 

\ a Jesuit, who was born at Naples in 1 593, came The Varias relaciones del Peru y Chile y 

■ to Peru as a Jesuit in 1 597, and died at Lima Conquista de la isla de Santa Catalina, 1 535- 



* 



1' 



n 



^ 1 Bibl. Amer. Vet., no. 195 ; Libri [Catalogue (reserved part), no. 32. There is a copy in the Lenox 

I Library. 

3 Bibl. Amer. Vet., no. 196 ; Biblioiheca Grenvilliana^ p. 537. 
I * Spanish Literature^ ii. 40. 

( 4 Cf. Salnn, voL xiii. no. 54,945. 

1 6 Cf. Carter-Brown, i. nos. 111,113; Bibl. Amer. Vet.y nos. 191, 206 ; Leclerc, nos. 2,839, at 1,200 francs. 

i * Bibl. Amer, Vet.^ Additions^ nos. 124, 153, 157. 

^ Leclerc, no. 1,689. 

8 Cf. Rich, no. 44 — £1 4J. ; Carter-Brown, i. 268; Quaritch, £3 3J. ; Sunderland, vol. iv. no. 9,515; 
Sabin, vol. i. no. 1,761 ; Huth, i. 41 ; Cohn (1884), no. 113. at 75 marks. The Catalogue de M. A. Chaumett$ 
ies Fossils ^ Paris, 1842, is mainly of books pertaining to Peru. 
* Field, Indian Bibliography^ no. 67. 
1* Leclerc, no. 1,808. 

" Rich, no. 253— .£3 3J.; Sabin, vol. xiv. no. 57,971, 57,972; Carter-Brown, ii. 592; Quaritch, £6 6j,; 
Sunderland (1883), £5 ; Rosenthal (1884), 60 marks. 
12 Leclerc, no. 3,029. 



PIZARRO, AND THE CONQUEST OF PERU AND CHILI. 577 




PRESCOTTS UBRABV. 



1658 (Madrid, 1879) ' 
Coltccion de Hbres rarss S curioios, which includes 
anonymous manuscripts in " Reladon del sitio 
del Cusco, iS37-'539>" i" the "Rebelion de 
Giron, 1553," and in some others of the seven- 
teenth century. Vol. xvi. of the same Cnleccion is 
edited by JJmenes de U Espada, and is entitled 
Memorias antiguas hislirriatis y folllicas dtl Pfni, 
pfr D. Frrnando Monlesinos, iiguidtu di las In- 
/imnacioius aeerca del srhorle di hi Iniai, heihas 
for mandada de D. Francisco dc Toledo, vir/y del 
Perti [1570-1571!, Madrid, 1882. An account 
of the original which this edition of the work of 
)s follows is given in the preface. The 
jsthetranslaiion by Henri Ternaux- 
CompanstnhisM^moireshisCoriquessurrancien 
Perou (forming partof his Voyagis). Paris, r840.* 
Leclerc in tS73' offered for 9,500 francs an 
onprinted manuscript containing the military 
Lives of Pedro Alvarez de Holguin and Martin 
de Almendral (Almendras), consisting of depo- 
sitions respecting their services by eye-witnesses, 
taken in pursuance of a claim by their families 
for the possession of titles and property, their 
s having been among the conquerois. 
The most conspicuous writers upon Peru- 
a history in English are Prescott, Helps, and 



Markham, — the first two as the historians of 
the Conquest, and the third as an annotator of 
the original sources and an elucidator of con- 
troverted points. Prescott's Conqueil of Peru 
was published in 1843. He had been fortunate 
enough to secure copies from the manuscript 
stores which Mufioz had gathered, and Navar- 
rete allowed his collections to be gleaned for 
the American's use. He did not fail of the 
sympathy and support of Temaui and of Gay- 



ingos. 



The 



Obadiah Rich si 



of 



1 him a good share of the 
manuscripts of the Kingsborough Collection 
when that was scattered. T\i£ Conquetl of Peru 
was promptly translated into Spanish, and 
published at Madrid in 1847-1848 ; and again in 
a version supposed to have been made by 
Icazbalceta. It was printed at Mexico in 1S49. 
A French translation was introduced to the 
world by Am^d^e Pichot, and the English on 
the continent were soon able to read it in their 
own tongue under a Paris imprint. The Dutch 
and German people were not long without 
versions in their vernaculars. Since Mr. Pres- 
cott's death the revision, which the American 
reader was long kept from (owing to the ob- 
textual improvements imposed 



■ BotUn Pubtii Library Caialogve 



* Bibliatkeea Amtricana 



",687. 



578 



NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 



by the practice of stereotyping), was made by 
Mr. Kirk, who had been Prescotfs secretary; 
and the new edition, with that gentleman's elu- 
cidatory and corrective notes, appeared at Phila- 
delphia in 1874. 

As was the case with the hero of Mexico, 
the chapters in Helps's Spanish Conquest on the 
conqueror of Peru have, since the publication 
of that book, been extracted and fitted newly 
together under the title of The Life of PizarrOy 
with same account of his Associates in the Con- 
quest of Peruy published in London in 1869. 
Pizarro is not, under Helps*s brush, the abhor- 
rent figure of some other historians. '*He is 
always calm, polite, dignified," he says. *'He 
was not one of the least admirable of the con- 
querors." 

Mr. Markham, referring to a visit which he 
made to Prescott, says : '* He it was who en- 
couraged me to undertake my Peruvian investi- 
gations and to persevere in them. To his kindly 
advice and assistance I owe more than I can 
say, and to him is due, in no small degree, the 
value of anything I have since been able to do 
in furtherance of Peruvian research." The 
first fruit of Mr. Markham's study was his 
Cusco and Lima in 1856. Three years later 
(1859) he was sent by the British Government 
to superintend the collection of cinchona plants 
and seeds (quinine) in Peru, and to introduce 
them into India. In pursuit of this mission, he 
formed the acquaintance with the country which 
was made public in his Travels in Peru and 
India in 1862. In 1880 he epitomized his great 
knowledge in a useful little handbook on Peru, 
which was published in London in the series of 
Foreign Countries and British Colonies. His 
greatest aid to the historian has come, however, 
from the annotations given by him to numerous 
volumes of the Hakluyt Society, which he has 



edited, and in his communications to the Journal 
of the Royal Geographical Society, 

The Peruvian story is but an incidental fea- 
ture of Hubert H. Bancroft's Central America, 
where Alvarado's report of May 12, 1535. and 
other documents which fell into that author's 
hands with the Squier manuscripts afford in part 
the basis of his narrative, vol. ii. chap. vii. Ban- 
croft accounts Pizarro himself the most detestable 
yian in the Indies after Pedrdrias. He collates 
the authorities on many disputed points, and is 
a valuable assistant, particularly for the relations 
of operations on the isthmus to those in Peru, — 
such as the efforts of Gonzalo Pizarro to make 
the isthmus the frontier of his Peruvian govern- 
ment, and Gasca's method of breaking through 
it. In his chapter on ** Mines and Mining " in 
his Mexico (vol. iii.) he incidentally recapitu- 
lates the story of the wealth which was exfracted 
from Peru. 

The dignified and well-balanced story as told 
in Robertson's America (book vi.) is not without 
use to-day, and his judgment upon aath'orities 
(note cxxv.) is usually sound. He has of course 
fallen behind that sufiliciency which Dr. Smyth 
found in himi when he gave his Lectures oft 
Modern History (lecture xxi.). The latter writer 
reflected an opinion not yet outgrown when he 
says that " Pizarro was, after all, a vulgar con- 
queror, and is from the first detested, though he 
seizes upon our respect, and retains it in defiance 
of ourselves, from the powerful and decisive na- 
ture of his courage and of his understanding." 

The latest English summarized view of the 
Conquest will be found in R. G. Watson's Span- 
ish and Portuguese South America during the 
Colonial Period (London, 1884). The author lived 
in South America about twenty years ago, in 
various parts, as a diplomatic agent of the 
English government. 



. ,£' 



THE 



AMAZON AND ELDORADO. 



BY THE EDITOR. 



IN 1528, in order to follow up the explorations of Ojeda and others on the coast of 
Venezuela the Emperor had agreed with the great German mercantile house of the Velsers 
to protect a colony to be sent by them to found cities and to mine on this northern coast.' 
This was the origin of the expedition led by Ambrosio de Alfinger to find a fabulous golden 
city, of which reports of one kind and another pervaded the Spanish settlements along 
the coast. It was in 1530 that Alfinger started inland. This march produced the usual 
story of perfidy and cruelty practised upon the natives, and of attack and misery experienced 
by the invaders. Alfinger died on the way, and after two years (in 1532) what was left of 
his followers found their way back to the coast 

Meanwhile an expedition inland had started under Diego Ordaz in 153I) by way of the 
Orinoco ; but it had failed, its leader being made the victim of a mutiny. One of his officers, 
Martinez, being expelled from the force for misbehavior, wandered away until he fell into the 
hands of people who blindfolded him and led him a great way to a city, where the bandage 
was removed from his eyes. Here they led him for a day and night through its streets till 
they came to the palace of Inga their Emperor, with whom being handsomely entertained he 
stayed eight months, when, being allowed to return, he came down the Orinoco to Trinidad, 
and thence to Porto Rico, where, when dying, he told this tale of Manoa, as he called the city. 
He was the first, the story goes, to apply the name of Eldorado to the alluring kingdom 
in the depths of the continent. This is the pretended story as Raleigh sixty years later 
learned from a manuscript which Berreo the Governor of Trinidad showed to him.^ 

Again, the Germans made another attempt to penetrate the country and its mystery. 
George of Spires, under the imperial sanction, coming from Spain with four hundred men, 
started inland from Coro in 1 534. He succeeded in penetrating about fifteen hundred 
miles, and returned with the survivors in 1538. 

A lieutenant had played him false. Nicolaus Federmann * had been disappointed in not 
getting the command of the expedition, but being made second, was instructed to follow 
after his chief with supplies. Federmann avoided making a junction with George, and 
wandered at the head of about two hundred mei^ who were faithful to him, seeking glory 
on his own account, till after three years of labor he emerged in April, 1539, from the 
mountain passes upon the plains of Bogotd. Two years before this (in 1537) Gonzalo 



1 Cf. Karl Klupfel, in the Bibliothtk des 
literarischen Vereins in Stuttgartt no. xlvii. ( 1859) ; 
Karl Klunzinger, Antheil der Deutschen an der 
Enldeckun^vonSudameriJta,StuttgaLrt,iS$7; and 
K. von Kloocn's " Die Welscr in Augsburg als 
besitzer von Venezuela,** in the Berliner Zeit- 
schrift/ur allgemeine Erdkunde^ v. 441. 



2 Cf. Schomburgk's Raleigh's Discovery of 
Guiana^ p. 17. Raleigh's enumeration of the 
various searches for Eldorado in this book are 
annotated by Schomburgk. 

* An account of ah earlier expedition by 
Federmann in this region, Indianiscke ffistoria^ 
recounting experiences in 1 529-1 531 , was printed 



580 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 

Ximeaes Quesada, followiog up the Magddena River, had arrived on the same plateau, and 
completed the conquest of New Granada. The year following (1538), Sebastian dc 
Belalcazar, marcliing north from Quito, had reached the same poiut.* 

Thus the three explorers from three directions came together. They joined forces and 
descended the Magdalena to Santa Martha, where Pedro Fernandez de Lugo, the associate 
of Quesada, died, while Quesada himself proceeded to Spain to obtain the government of 
the newly discovered region. Meaowhile Heman Perez, a brother of Quesada, being left 




QtuaadeL cUdcaSrio eintuAw E^/na 
de Granada. 



in 1557 at Hagenavr. Temaux, in the iiist 
volume of his Viry<^es,K\c (Paris, 1837), gave a 
translation of it, with an introduction- His route, 
as marked by Kluniirger in the book already 
cited, is not agreed to by Dr. Morilz Weinhold, 
in Vber Nuetaus Fidermann's Reise in Vennutla, 



1519-1531, printed in the Driiterjahrtsbtruhtda 
Vtriinsfiir Erdkunde lu Drtsdtn, 1866, Ankang, 
p. 93; also in 1868. 

1 Cf. Maikham's Trmtls a/ Cieza dt Leon, 
p, no; and his Xarralivi of Andagoya, p. UV. 

* Fac^simile of engraving in Herrera, Ui. 213. 



THE AMAZON AND ELDORADO. 



581 



in command in Bogotd, committed the usual cruel excesses upon the Chibchas, but finally 
left them, to follow another adventurer who had arrived in the track of Federmann, with the 
same stories of the golden city. So the recreant Governor joined the new-comer Montalvo 
de Lugo, and together they marched eastward on their golden quest He returned to Bogoti 
in a year's time, wiser but not happier. 

Meanwhile a new expedition was forming on the Venezuela side. Among the followers 
of George of Spires had been one Philip von Huten,* who after George's death, and when 
Rodrigo Bastidas had succeeded him, was made the commander of an expedition which left 
Coro in 1541 by vessels, and, prepared for an inland march, landed at Barburata. The 
next spring he got on the track of Quesada and resolved to follow it ; but the expedition 
only journeyed in a circle, and after suffering all sorts of hardships found itself at the point 
of setting out. Huten, undaunted, again started with a smaller force. He encountered and 
made friends of the Uaupe Indians, and under their guidance proceeded against the towns 
of the Omaguas, where they encountered resistance ; and Huten being wounded, the 
invaders retreated, and brought to an end another search for Eldorado. The expedition 
had added a new S3monym, Omaguas, for the attractive lure. 



pi>*«i'* " 




mriQ arm Orinoco 






rtOUTHSOFTHt 



SKETCH MAP, AMAZON AND ELDORADO. 

Huten, on his return to Coro, found that Carbajal had seized the government. This bru- 
tal soldier now executed Huten, and held his iniquitous sway until the licentiate Juan Perez 
de Tolosa arrived with the imperial authority in 1546, when Carbajal was in turn put to death. 
Thus ended the German efforts at South American discovery on this side of the continent. 

Meanwhile Gonzalo Ximenes Quesada's visit to Spain had failed in making him the 
Governor of New Granada, as he had hoped. Luis Alonzo de Lugo, the son of Quesada's 
associate, was the successful applicant for the position. The new Governor arrived in 
1542, but a residUncia interrupted his career, and Pedro de Ursua, a nephew of Armen- 
dariz, the judge who had taken the residencia^ was sent to Bogoti to take charge. Thence 
his patron sent him on the old quest for the rivers flowing over golden sands. He failed 
to find Eldorado ; but he founded the city of Pampluna in the wilds, and ruled its stately 



^ He is sometimes called Uten, Utre, Urra, etc. 



i 

* 

i 

I 582 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 

lots for two years. Then Armendariz had his downfall in turn, and Pedro de Ursua in 
1 549 found favor enough with those who then administered the government to get com- 
mand of another expedition to Eldorado, during which he founded another city, which 
he had to abandon in 1552 because the natives attacked it so persistently. Next, Pedro 
was put in command of Santa Martha, and began to fight the Indians thereabout; but 
seeking a larger field, he started for Peru. His fame was sufficient to induce the 
authorities at Panamd to engage him to quell the Cimarrones, who infested the Isthmus. 
In two years Ursua accomplished this task, and then went on to Peru, where at Lima, in 
1559, ^^^ "^^ viceroy Cafiete appointed him to lead a well-equipped expedition to Eldo- 
rado and the Omaguas. If the fabled city should not be reached, the quest for it would 
draw away from Caftete's province the prowling ruffians whom the cessation of the civil 
wars had left among the settlements. But it was thought the quest was more likely to be 
successful than any previous one had been, since Viraratu, a coast chieftain of Brazil, had 
with two Portuguese recently ascended the Amazon, and had confirmed to Cafiete the old 
stories of a hidden lake and its golden city. 

Pedro de Ursua started in boats down the Huallaga to the Marafion, and so on to the 
neighborhood of Machiparo. At this point, on New Year's day, 1561, conspirators mur- 
dered Ursua, threw off allegiance to Spain, and made Fernando de Guzman their sov- 
) ereign. One Lope de Aguirre was the leader of the insurrection, and it was not long 

I before Guzman paid the penalty of his life in turn, and Aguirre became supreme. The 

conspirators went on to the mouth of the Negro, but from this point authorities differ as 
to their course. Humboldt and Southey supposed they still kept to the Amazon until 
they reached the sea. Acufta, Simon, Acosta, and among the moderns Markham, 
suppose they ascended the Negro, crossed by the Cassiquiari canal to the Orinoco, and 
so passed on to the ocean ; or if not by this route, by some of the rivers of Guiana. Mr. 
Markham ^ balances the testimony. Once on the ocean, at whatever point, Aguirre steered 
his vessels for the north and west till they came to the island of Margarita, then colonized 
by the Spanish. Having seized this settlement, Aguirre led his followers across the inter- 
vening waters to Venezuela, with the aim of invading and conquering New Granada ; but 
in due time a Spanish force led by Gutierrez de la Pefia confronted the traitor and his 
host, and overthrew them. Many of Aguirre*s men had deserted him ; when killing his 
own daughter, that she might not survive to be stigmatized as a traitor's child, he was set 
upon and despatched by his conquerors. 
r The earliest account of the expedition of Ursua and Aguirre is a manuscript in the 

(; Royal library at Madrid written by one of the company, Francisco Vasquez, who re- 

mained with Aguirre under protest till he reached Margarita. Vasquez's story was a 
main dependence of Pedro Simon, in the sixth of the Primera parte de las Noticias 
historiales de las Conquistas de Tierra Firme en las Indias Occidentales, published at 
Cuenca in 1627. Simon, who was born in Spain in 1574, had come to Bogoti in 1604, 
in time to glean much from men still living. After many years of gathering notes, he 
began to write his book in 1623. Only one part, which included the affairs of Venezuela 
and the expedition of Ursua and Aguirre, was printed. Two other parts are in existence ; 
and Colonel J. Acosta, in his Compendio histdrico del descubrimiento y colonizacion de la 
Nueva Granada en el siglo ddcimo sexto, published at Paris in 1848, made use of them, and 
says they are the most valuable recital of the sixteenth century in existence which relates 
to these regions.^ The account of Simon, so far as it relates to the expedition of Ursua, 
has been translated by William Bollaert, and properly annotated by Mr. Markham ; it 
constitutes the volume published by the Hakluyt Society in 1861, called The Expedition 
of Pedro de Ursua and Lope de Aguirre in search of Eldorado and Omagua in 1560- 
1561. It has a map which marks the alternative courses of Aguirre.' 

1 Introduction of his Search for Eldorado. ^ Cf. Markham *s introduction to this volume ; 

' Manuscript copies of these parts are in the H. H. Bancroft's Central America, ii. 61. The 

Lenox Library. Expedition of Orsua and the Crime of Aguirre, by 






THE AMAZON AND ELDORADO. 583 




CASTELLANOS.' 

The main dependence of Simon, besides the manuscript of Vasquez, was a metrical 
chronicle by Juan dc Castellanos, EUgias de Varones ilustres de Indias, the first part of 

RobcTt Sauthey, was pablished at London in and first published in the EditU>urxfi Annual 
1S21. This was written far Southey's Histiyry Register, vol. iii. part 2. and then separately. 
ef Bracil, but was omitted as beyond ils scope, ' A facsimile of the portrait in his Etegiat, 



584 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA, 

which, containing, besides the accounts of Ursua and Aguirre, the exploits of Columbus, 
Ponce de Leon, Garay, and others, was printed at Madrid in 1589.1 De Bry makes use 
of this versified narrative in the eighth part of his Grand Voyages, Castellanos* first 
part is reprinted in the Biblioteca de Autores Espaholes^ 1847-1850, where are also to be 
found the second and third parts, printed there for the first time. The text is there 
edited by Buenaventura Carlos Aribau. Ercilla has recorded his opinion of the faithful- 
ness of Castellanos, but Colonel Acosta thinks him inexact. These second and third 
parts recount the adventures of the Germans in their search for Eldorado, and record 
the conquests of Cartagena by Lugo, of Popayan by Belalcazar, and of Antischia. A 
fourth part, which gave the conquest of New Granada, though used by Piedrahita, is 
no longer known. 

Castellanos could well have derived his information, as he doubtless did, from men 
who had made part of the exploits which he celebrates ; and as regards the mad pranks 
of Aguirre, such is also the case with another contemporary account, preserved in the 
National Library at Madrid, which was written by Toribio de Ortiguera, who was at 
Nombre de Dios in 1561, and sent forces against Aguirre when that conspirator was on 
his Venezuela raid. The story written from the survivors' recitals does not materially 
differ from that of Vasquez. He gives also a short account of the expedition of Gonzalo 
Pizarro and Orellana, later to be mentioned. 

Lucas Fernandez Piedrahita was a native of Bogotd, and, like Garcilasso de la Vega, 
had the blood of the Incas in his veins. He became a priest, and was successively Bishop 
of Santa Martha and of Panamd, and after having lived a life of asceticism, and been at 
one time a captive of the buccaneers, he died at Panamd in 1688, at the age of seventy. He 
depended chiefly in his Historia General de las Conquisias del nuevo Reyno de Granada,^ 
on the Compendia of Ximenes de Quesada, no longer known, the Elegias of Castellanos, 
and the Noticia of Simon. He borrows liberally from Simon, and says but little of Aguirre 
till he lands in Venezuela. Aguirre*s career in the Historia de la Conquista y poblacion 
de Venezuela of Oviedo y Bafios is in like manner condensed from Simon, and is confined 
also to his final invasion of the main. The book is rare, and Markham says that in 1861 
even the British Museum had no copy.* The general historians, De la Vega, Herrera, 
and Acosta, give but scant accounts of the Ursua expedition. Markham * points out the 
purely imaginative additions given to Aguirre's story in Gomberville's translation of 
Acufta, misleading thereby not a few later writers. Much the same incorrectness charac- 
terizes the recitals in the Viage of the Ulloas, in Velasco's Historia de Quito (1789). 

The faithlessness of Orellana and his fifty followers in deserting Gonzalo Pizarro in 1540, 
while this leader was exploring the forests of the Cinnamon country, is told in another place. 
Orellana, as has been said, was sent forward in an improvised bark to secure food for 
Pizarro's famished followers, but was tempted to pursue the phantom of golden discovery. 
This impulse led him to follow the course of the river to the sea. It gave him the distinc- 
tion of being the discoverer of the weary course of the great Amazon. In his intercourse 
with some of the river Indians he heard or professed to hear of a tribe of women warriors 
whom it was easy, in recognition of the classic story, to name the Amazons. At one of 
the native villages on the river the deserters built themselves a stancher craft than they 
had escaped in ; and so they sailed on in a pair of adventurous barks, fighting their way 
past hostile villages, and repelling attacks of canoes, or bartering with such of the Indians 
as were more peaceful. In one of the fights, when Orellana landed his men for the 

i Ticknor, Spanish Literature, ii.471. There Bancroft, Central America, ii. 62. The book is 

are copies in the Boston Public, Harvard Col- worth £s to ;f 10. Only the Parte primera was 

lege, and Lenox libraries. printed ; it comes down to 1563. 

2 Printed at Amberes in 1688; Cf. Carter- « There are copies in the Lenox and Harvard 

Brown, vol. ii. no. 1,364 There are copies in Har- College libraries, 
vard College and Lenox libraries. Cf. H. H. * Search far Eldorado, p. xliii. 



THE AMAZON AND ELDORADO. 585 

conflict, it is affirmed that women led the native horde. From a prisoner they got signs 
which they interpreted to mean that they were now in the region of the female warriors, and 
not far from all the fabled wealth of which they were in search. But the marks of the tide 
on the banks lured them on with the hope of nearing the sea. They soon got unmistak- 
able signs of the great water, and then began to prepare their frail crafts for encountering 
its perils. They made sails of their cloaks. On the 26th of August they passed into 
the Atlantic. They had left the spot where the river Napo flows into the Amazon on the 
last day of December, 1541 ; and now, after a voyage of nearly eight months, they spread 
their sails and followed the coast northward. The vessels parted company one night, but 
they reached the island of Cubagua within two days of each other. Here they found a 
Spanish colony, and Orellana was not long in finding a passage to Spain. The story he 
had to tell was a thrilling one for ears eager for adventure, and a joyous one for such 
as listened for the tales of wealth. Orellana might be trusted to entrap both sorts of 
listeners. 

The King was the best of listeners. He gave Orellana a commission to conquer these 
fabulous countries, and in May, 1544, Orellana sailed with four ships and four hundred 
men. Misfortune followed him speedily, and only two of his vessels reached the river. 
Up they went for a hundred leagues or so ; but it was quite different making headway 
against the current from floating down it, as he had done before. His men died ; his 
vessels were stranded or broken up ; he himself became ill, and at last died. This ended 
the attempt ; and such of his followers as could, made their way back to Spain ; and New 
Andalusia, as the country was to be named, remained without a master. 

Of the expedition of Gonzalo Pizarro there is no account by any one engaged in it ; 
but we have the traditions of the story told by Garcilasso de la Vega in the second part, 
book third, of the Royal Commentaries^ and this account is put into English and annotated 
by Mr. Markham in the Expeditions into the Valley of the Amazons^ published by the 
Hakluyt Society in 1859, — and to this book its editor contributes a summary of the later 
explorations of the valley. Orellana's desertion and his experiences are told by Herrera 
in his Historia General; and this, wl\ich Markham calls the best account possessed by 
us, is also translated by him in the same publication. Wallace, in his Amazon and Rio 
Negroj has of late years suggested that the woman-like apparel of the men, still to be found 
among the tribes of the upper Amazon, gave rise to the belief in the story of the female 
warriors.* 

The form which the story of Eldorado oftener took, and which it preserved for many 
years, gave representation of a large inland sea, called finally Parima, and of a golden city 
upon it called Manoa, the reminiscences of Martinez's tale. Somehow, as Mr. Markham 
thinks, these details were evolved in part out of a custom prevalent on the plains of 
Bogotd, where a native chief is said to have gilded himself yearly, and performed some 
rites in a large lake. All this array of wealth was clustered, in the imagination of the 
conquerors of northern Peru, about the fabled empire of the Omaguas ; and farther south 
the beckoning names were Paytiti and Enim. Whatever the names or details, the inevita- 
ble greed for gold in the mind of the Spanish invaders was quite sufficient to evolve the 
phantom from every impenetrable region of the New World. In 1566 Martin de Proveda 
followed in the track of Ursua ; but sweeping north, his men dropped by the way, and a 
remnant only reached Bogotd. He brought back the same rumors of rich but receding 
provinces. 

In 1568 the Spanish Government mapped out all this unknown region between two 
would-be governors. Pedro Malaver de Silva was to have the western part, and Diego 

* Schomburgk, in his Raleigh^ s Discovery of Eldorado^ chaps, vii. and viii. Acufia's account 

Guiana (p. Ivi), enumerates the various refer- in 1641 is translated in Markham's Expeditions 

cnces to the Amazon story among the early into the Valley of the Amazons^ s^z\,i\\ and also 

writers on South America. Cf. Van Heuvel, p. 123, Note. 
VOL. II. — 74. 



586 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 




THE MOUTHS OF THE ORINOCO .' 



Fernando de Cerpa to have the eastern as far as the mouths of the Orinoco. Both 
of the expeditions which these ambitious heroes led came to nothing beyond their due 
share of trials and aimless wandering; and one of the leaders, Silva, made a second 
attempt in 1574, equally abortive, as the one survivor's story proved it to be. 

Markham says that the last expedition to achieve any important geographical dis- 
covery was that of Antonio de Berreo in 1582. He had received by right the adventnrous 
impulse, through his marriage with the daughter or heiress of Gonzalo Ximenes de 
Quesada, He followed down the Cassanare and the Mela, and pursued the Orinoco to its 
mouth. The English took up the quest when Raleigh sent Jacob Whiddon in 1594 to 

' This is a portion of the map given by cfj ^Guiaiw, published by the Hakluvi Society 
Schomburgk in his edition of Rairigh's Disiov- in 1S4S. 



THE AMAZON AND ELDORADO. 587 

explore the Orinoco. Berreo, who was now the Spanish governor of Trinidad, threw what 
obstacles in the way he could ; and when Raleigh arrived with his fleet in 1595, the English 
leader captured the troublesome Spaniard, and was confirmed in his belief, by what Berreo 
told him, that he could reach the goal. This lure was the lying account of Juan Martinez, 
already mentioned. The fortunes of Raleigh have been told elsewhere,^ and the expedi- 
tions which he conducted or planned, says Markham, may be said to close the long roll 
of searches after the fabulous Eldorado. 

Nearly the whole of the northern parts of South America had now been thridded by 
numerous adventuring parties, but without success in this fascinating search. There still 
remained an unknown region in Central Guiana, where were plains periodically inundated 
by the overflow of the Rupununi, Essequibo, and Branco (Parima) rivers. Here must 
Eldorado be ; and here the maps, shortly after this, placed the mysterious lake and its 
auriferous towers of Manoa down to a comparatively recent time. According to Hum- 
boldt 2 and Schomburgk,' it was after the return of Raleigh's and Keymis's expedition 
that Hondius was the first in his Nieuwe Caerte van het goudreyke landi Guiana (1599).* 
to introduce the Laguna Parima with its city Manoa in a map. He placed it between 
1° 45' and 2° north latitude, and made it larger than the Caspian Sea. 

We find the lake also in the Nieuwe Wereldt of De Laet in 1630, and in the editions of 
that year in other languages. Another Dutch geographer, Jannson, also represented it. 
Sanson, the French geographer, puts it one degree north of the equator in his Terre Ferme 
in 1656, and is particular enough to place Manoa at the northwest corner of a squarish 
inland sea ; but he omits it in his chart of the Amazons in 1680. We find the lake again 
in Heylin's Cosmographie oi 1663, and later editions; in Blaeu's Atias in 1685. Delisle 
omits the lake in 1703, but gives a legend in French, as Homann does in his map in Latin, 
** In hac regione aliqui ponunt lacum Parima urbemque Manoa del Dorado." In another 
of Delisle's maps a small lake appears with the legend : ^* Guiane proprement dite ou 
Dorado, dans laquelle quelques-uns mettent le lac Parime.'* We have it again in the map 
in Herrera, edition of 1728; and in 1729. Moll, the English geographer, likewise shows 
it. In the middle of the century (1760) the maps of Danville preserve the lake, though he 
had omitted it in an earlier edition; and the English edition, improved by Bolton in 1755, 
still continues it, as does an Italian edition (Venice) in 1779. The original Spanish of 
Gumilla's Ei Orinoco (2d edition, Madrid, 1745) has a map which gives the lake, and it is 
repeated in the French edition at Avignon in 1758, and in a later Spanish one at Barce- 
lona in 1 78 1. Kitchen's map, which was prepared for Robertson's History of America^ 
again shows it ; and it is in the centre of a great water system in the large map of La 
Cruz, made by order of the King of Spain in 1775, which was re-engraved in London the 
same year. It is also represented in the maps in the Historia de la nueva Andalucia, of 
Antonio Caulin,* Madrid, 1779, and in the Saggio di Storia Americana^ Rome, 1780. 
Conrad Mannert's map, published at Nuremberg in 1803, gives it ; as do the various edi- 
tions of Francois Depons' Voyage dans PAmerique miridionale^ Paris, 1806. The lake 
here is given under thirty degrees north latitude, and Manoa is put at the northeast corner 
of it. The same plate was used for the English version "by an American gentleman," 
published in New York in 1806; while the translation published in London in 1807, 

1 Vol. III. p. 1 17, etc. One of the latest ' Raleigh's Discffvery of Guiana^ published by 

accounts is contained in P. G. L. Borde's His- Hakluyt Society (1848), p. li. 

toire de Vile de la Trinidad sous le gouvemement * Schomburgk says that Levinus Hulsius 

espagnoly 1498, etc. (Paris, 1876-1883, vol. i.). availed himself of this map in constructing his 

Abraham Kendall, who had been on the coast Ameriea pars Australis, which accompanies the 

with Robert Dudley, and is the maker of one of Vera Historia of Schmiedel, published at Nurem- 

the portolanos in Dudley's Arcano del mare ^ was berg in 1599. Cf. Uricoechea, Mapoteca Colom- 

with Raleigh and of use to him. Kohl (Collec- biana^ p. 90, no. 5. 

tion, no. 374) gives us from the British Museum ^ He was in the boundary expedition of So- 

a map which he supposes to be Raleigh's. lano. Humboldt calls this map the combination 

'^ Personal Narrative^ chap. 17. of two traced by Caulin in 1756. 



THE AMAZON AND ELDORADO. 589 

apparently the same with a few verbal changes, has a like configuration on a map of reduced 
scale. One of the latest preservations of the myth is the large map published in London 
by Faden in 1807, purporting to be based on the studies of D'Arcy de la Rochette, where 
the inland sea is explained by a legend : *^ Golden Lake, or Lake Parime, called likewise 
Parana Pitinga, — that is, White Sea, — on the banks of which the discoverers of the 
sixteenth century did place the imaginary city of Manoa del Dorado." I have seen it 
in German maps as late as 18 14, and the English geographer, Arrowsmith, kept it in 
his maps in his day.^ 

It was left for Humboldt to set the seal of disbelief firmly upon the story. ^ Schomburgk 
says that the inundadons of extensive savannas during the tropical winter gave rise, no 
doubt, to the fable of the White Sea, assisted by an ignorance of the Indian language. 
Nevertheless, as late as 1844, Jacob A. van Heuvel, in his Eldorado^ being a Narrative of 
the Circumstances which gave rise to Reports in the Sixteenth Century of the Existence of 
a Rich and Splendid City in South America^ published in New York, clung to the idea; 
and he represents the lake somewhat doubtingly as in 4° north, and between dcP and 63° 
west, in the map accompanying his book. 

Later in the seventeenth century the marvellous story took on another guise. It was 
remembered that after the conquest of Peru a great emigration of Inca Indians had taken 
place easterly beyond the mountains, and in the distant forests it was reputed they had 
established a new empire ; and the names of Paytiti and Enim, already mentioned, were 
attached to these new theatres of Inca magnificence. Stories of this fabulous kingdom 
continued to be hatched well on into the eighteenth century, and not a few expeditions of 
more or less imposing strength were sent to find this kingdom. It never has been found ; 
but, as Mr. Markham thinks, there is some reason to believe that the Inca Indians who fied 
with Tapac Amaru into the forests may for a considerable period have kept up their civiliza- 
tion somewhere in those vast plains east of the Andes. The same writer says that the belief 
was not without supporters when he was in Peru in 1853 ; and he adds that it is a pleasant 
reflection that this story may possibly be true.* 

The most considerable attempt of the seventeenth century to make better known the 
course of the Amazon was the expedition under Texeira, sent in 1639 to see if a practicable 
way could be found to transport the treasure from Peru by the Amazon to the Atlantic coast. 
Acufia's book on this expedition, Nuevo descubrimiento del gran Rio de las Amazons^^ 
published at Madrid in 1641, is translated in Markham's Valley of the Amazons, published by 
the Hakluyt Society. It was not till 1707, when Samuel Fritz, a Bohemian and a missionary, 
published his map of the Amazons at Quito, that we find something better than the vaguest 
delineation of the course of the great river.* 

It is not the purpose of the present essay to continue the story of the explorations of 
the Amazon into more recent times ; but a word may be spared for the strange and sorrcfw- 
ful adventures along its stream, which came in the train of the expedition that was sent 

1 This enumeration has by no means men- in 1832 (no. 234) at £Z &f. The unsatisfactory 
tioned all the instances of similar acceptance of French translation by De Gomberville was 
the delusion. printed at Paris in 16S2. Dufoss^ recently priced 

2 Cf. his Cosmos, Eng. tr., p. 159; Views of this edition at 150 francs. The original Spanish 
NaturCfi^. 188. He asks: "Can the little reed- is said to have been suppressed by Philip IV. 
covered lake of Amuca have given rise to this but such stories are attached too easily to books 
myth ? ... It was besides an ancient custom of become rare. There was a copy in the Cooke 
dogmatizing geographers to make all consider- sale (1884, no. 10). Tht Carter-Brojvn Catalogue 
able rivers originate in lakes.*' Cf. also Hum- (vol. ii. no. 484) shows a copy. 

boldt's Personal Narrative and Southey's History * It can be found in Stocklein's Reise 

of Brazil. Beschreibungen, a collection of Jesuit letters fi-om 

• Markham's Valley of the Amasons, p. xlv. all parts of the World. Markham's Valley of 

* This book is rare. It was priced by Rich the Amazons, p. xxxiii. 



590 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 

• 
out by the French Government in 1735 to measure an arc of the meridian in Peru, for com- 
paring the result with a similar measurement in Lapland. The object was to prove or 
to disprove the theory of Sir Isaac Newton that the earth was flattened at the poles. The 
commissioners — Bouguer, La Condamine, and Godin (the last accompanied by his wife) — 
arrived at Quito in June, 1736. The arc was measured; but the task did not permit 
them to think of returning before 1743, when La Condamine resolved to return by descend- 
ing the Amazon and then making his way to the French colony of Cayenne. He and his 
companion, a Spanish gentleman seeking some adventure, had their full content of it, 
but safely accomplished the journey. 

Another of the commissioners, Godin, having tarried a few years longer in Peru, had 
finally proceeded to Cayenne, where he made arrangements for embarking for France. 
Through the favor of the Portuguese Government he had been provided with a galiot of 
sixteen to twenty oars on a side, to ascend the river and meet his wife, who on receiving a 
message from him was to leave Peru with an escort and come down the river and meet 
him. Illness finally prevented the husband from proceeding ; but he despatched the vessel, 
having on board one Tristan, who was charged with a letter to send ahead. By some £ciith- 
lessness in Tristan, the letter miscarried ; but Madame Godin sent a trusty messenger 
in anticipation, who found the galiot at Loreto awaiting her arrival, and returned with the 
tidings. The lady now started with her father and two brothers ; and they allowed a cer- 
tain Frenchman who called himself a physician to accompany them, while her negro 
servant, who had just returned over the route, attended them, as well as three Indian 
women and thirty Indian men to carry burdens. They encountered the small-pox among 
the river Indians, when their native porters deserted them. They found two other natives, 
who assisted them in building a boat; but after two days upon it these Indians also de- 
serted them. They found another native, but he was shortly drowned. Then their boat 
began to leak and was abandoned. On pretext of sending assistance back, the French 
physician, taking with him the negro, pushed on to a settlement; but he forgot his 
promise, and the faithful black was so impeded in attempting alone the task of rescue, 
that he arrived at the camp only to find unrecognizable corpses. All but the lady had 
succumbed. She pushed on alone through the wilderness, encountering perils that appall 
as we read ; but in the end, fklling in with two Indians, she passed on from one mission 
station to another, and reached the galiot. 

Thus a hundred years later than Orellana, the great river still flowed with a story of 
fearful hazards and treachery. 



CHAPTER IX. 

MAGELLAN'S DISCOVERY. 

BY REV. EDWARD E. HALE, D.D. 

FERNANDO DA MAGALHAENS, or Magalhdes, whom the French 
and English call Magellan, was a Portuguese gentleman of good 
family. He was educated, as well as his time knew how to educate men, 
for the business which he followed through his life, — that of a navigator 
and a discoverer. He was a child when Columbus first came home success- 
ful from the West Indies ; and as a boy and young man he grew up, in the 
Court of King John the Second of Portugal, among people all alive to the 
exciting novelties of new adventure. As early as 1 505 he went to the East 
Indies, where he served the Portuguese Government several years. He 
was in the expedition which first discovered the Spice Islands of Banda, 
Amboyna, Ternate, and Tidor. Well acquainted with the geography of 
the East as far as the Portuguese adventurers had gone, he returned to 
Portugal. 

King Emmanuel was then upon the throne. Spain owes it to an unjust 
slight which Magellan received at the Portuguese Court, that, under her 
banner, this greatest of seamen sailed round the world and solved the 
problem of ages in reaching the east by way of the west. Magellan was 
in the service of the King in Morocco in a war which the Portuguese had 
on hand there. He received a slight wound in his knee, which made him 
lame for the rest of his life. Returning to Portugal, on some occasion 
when he was pressing a claim for an allowance customary to men of his 
rank, he was refused, and charged with pretending to an injury which was 
really cured. Enraged at this insult, he* abandoned his country. He did 
this in the lordly style which seems in keeping with a Portuguese grandee 
of his time. He published a formal act of renunciation of Portugal. He 
went to Spain and took letters of naturalization there. In the most formal 
way he announced that he was a subject of the King of Spain, and should 
give service and life to that monarch, if he would use them. 

Magellan had a companion in his exile ; this was Ruy Faleiro, a gentle- 
man of Lisbon, who had also fallen into disgrace at Court. Faleiro,^ like 

1 On Faleiro's contribations to the art of navigation, see Humboldt's Cosmos, Eng. tr., iL 672. 




AUTOGRAPH OF MAGELLAN. 



592 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 

Magellan, was a thorough geographer ; and the two had persuaded them- 
selves that the shortest route to the Spice Islands of the East was to be 
found in crossing the Western Ocean. We know now, that in this convic- 
tion they were wrong. Any ordinary map of the eastern hemisphere 
includes the Spice Islands or Moluccas, as well as Portugal, because the 
distance in longitude east from Lisbon is less than that of the longitude 
measured west. It has been proved, also, that the continent of America 
extends farther south than that of Africa. This, Magellan and Faleiro did 
not know ; but they were willing to take the risk of it. Spain has always 
held the Philippines, — the prize which she won as the reward of Magellan's 

great discovery, — under the treaty 
of 1494, which gave to her half the 
world beyond the meridian of three 
hundred and seventy leagues west 
from Ferro. She has held it be- 
cause Magellan sailed west, and so 
struck the Philippines ; but, in fact, 
those islands lie within the half of 
the world which the same treaty gave to Portugal. 

By mistake or by design, the Philippines, when they were discovered, 
were moved on the maps twenty-five degrees east of their true position 
on the globe. The Spaniards made the maps. The islands were thus 
brought within their half of the world; and this immense error was not 
corrected .till the voyages of Dampier.^ 

Charles V. was no fool. He recognized at once the value of such 
men as Magellan and Faleiro. He heard and accepted their plan for a 
western voyage to the spice regions. On the 22d of March, 1518, he bound 
himself to fit out an expedition at his own cost on their plans, under Ma- 
gellan's orders, on condition that the principal part of the profits should 
belong to the Throne. Through years of intrigue, public and private, in 
which the Spanish jealousy of Sevillian merchants and others tried to 
break up the expedition, Charles was, for once, faithful to a promise. 
We must not attempt here to follow the sad history of such intrigues. 
On the lOth of August, 1519, the expedition sailed under Magellan. 
Poor Faleiro, alas! had gone crazy in the mean time. What proved 
even a greater misfortune was that Juan of Carthagena was put on board 
the " San Antonio " as a sort of Japanese spy on Magellan. He was 
the marplot of the expedition, as the history will show. He was called 
a veedor, or inspector. 

« 

^ [It will be remembered that the original the first limit, had negotiated with Spain for a 

Bull of 1493 fixed the meridian lOO leagues (say new limit, the Pope assenting; and this final 

400 miles) west of the Azores or Cape De Verde limit was confirmed by a convention at Tordesil- 

Islands, supposing thqm to lie north and south of las at the date above given. Cf. Popellini^re, 

each other ; whereas the limit in force after June Les trois mond^Sy Paris, 1 582 ; Baronius, AnnaUs 

7, 1494, was 370 leagues (say 1,080 miles) west (ed. by Brovius, Rome), vol. xix. ; Solorzano^ 

of the Azores, since Portugal, complaining of Politica Indiana. — Ed.] 



MAGELLAN'S DISCOVERY. 




MAGELLAN. 



There is something pathetic in contrasting the magnificent fleet with 
which Magellan sailed, under the patronage of an emperor, with the poor 
little expedition of Columbus. With the new wealth of the Indies at com- 
mand, and with the resources now of a generation of successful discovery, 
the Emperor directed the dockyards of Seville to meet all Magellan's 
wishes in the most thorough way. No man in the world, perhaps, knew 
better than Magellan what he needed. The expedition, therefore, sailed 
with as perfect a material equipment as the time knew how to furnish. It 
consisted of five ships, — the "Trinidad" and "San Antonio," each of 



' [Fac-simile of an engraving in Navarrele's 
Cdeirim, vol. iv. It is also reproduced in 
Stanley's First Voya^ round Iki World by Ma- 
gtllan (Hakluyt Society, 1874); in Cladera's 
Itmstigacisius hiiiiruas ; in the Rtlacion del ul- 
tirnv viagt al tslrecAa de Magtllanis dt la fragala 
dc S. M. Saata Maria de la CaSeta en los anos 
di 1785 J- 1786 (Madrid, ijSSjjin Vne. Allgtmtitu 
geografhisihe Ephtmeridett (November, 1804), 
p. 269; in August Biirck '3 Magillan oder die ersu 
Reiie um die rrde, Leipsic, 1844 ; in Riige's Ge- 
VOL. n. — 75. 



'gen, p. 401 ; 



Schichtt det Zeitalltri der Entdeckunj^ 
and in the Carler-Brawn Cabiiogui, 

There are two portraits in De Bry, — one a 
fuli length in ihe cornet of a map of America 
which accompanies the narrative of Benzoni in 
part vi., and of Heirera in pari xii. ; and the 
other on a map of the two hemispheres in part 
xi, J also repealed in Schouten's Journal (1618). 
There are similar pictures in Hulsius, parts vL 
and xvi, Cf. the Calalogut (no, 135) of ihc Gal- 
lery of the New York Hislorical Society. — Ed.] 



NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 




Hernavdo de Hagallanej;. 

CtLxiaCido PoTnLOii.cj . dcj ott/iridar del 
Ljtrccho de /u. nomBfc , 



120 Spanish toneles, the " Concepcion," of 90, the " Victoria," of 8$, — long 
famous as the one vessel which made the whole voyage, — and the " Santi- 
ago," of 75. For the convenience of the translators this Spanish word toneles 
is generally rendered by the French word tonneaux and the English word 
tons. But in point of fact the tonele of Seville was one fifth larger than the 
tonelada of the north of Spain, which nearly corresponds to our ton ; and 
the vessels of Magellan and Columbus were, in fact, so much larger than the 
size which is generally assigned to them in the popular histories,' 



' Fac-simile of the engraving in Herrera, i. 593. 



» [See n. 



:, Vol. II., p. 7. — Ed.] 



MAGELLAN'S DISCOVERY. 



596 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 

On the 20th of September the fleet had cleared the River Guadalquivir, 
and was fairly at sea. Six days afterward it touched at Teneriffe for sup- 
plies ; and here was the first quarrel between Magellan and his watchman, 
Juan de Carthagena. Up to this point entire secrecy had been maintained 
by Magellan as to the route to be pursued. Juan de Carthagena claimed 
the right to be informed of all things regarding it. Magellan refused, 
probably with considerable scorn. When off Sierra Leone, a few days 
after, a similar quarrel broke out ; Magellan arrested Carthagena with his 
own hand, and put him in the stocks. Of course this was an insult the 
most keen, and was meant to be. The other captains begged Magellan to 
release the prisoner, and he did so ; but still he kept him under the arrest 
of one of their number. 

From Sierra Leone they ran across to Brazil and anchored again for sup- 
plies in the magnificent Bay of Rio de Janeiro. By their narrative, indeed, 
on the return of the first vessel, was this great estuary made widely known 
to the world. It is now known that Magellan was not the first discoverer. 
Pero Lopez had explored the bay five years before ; and as early as 1511 a 
trader named John of Braga, probably a Portuguese, was established on one 
of its fertile islands. Indeed, it is said that the hardy seamen of Dieppe 
had been there as early as the beginning of the century. Its first name 
was the Bay of Cabo-Frio. 

The meridian of Alexander's Bull had been meant to leave all the 
American discoveries in the possession of the King of Spain. But, unfor- 
tunately for him, Brazil runs so far out to the east that a meridian three 
hundred and seventy leagues west of the Azores gives Portugal a considerable 
part of it; and in point of fact the western boundary of Brazil has been 
accommodated quite nearly to the imaginary line of the Pope. To 
Magellan and his company it made no difference whether they were on 
Portuguese or Spanish soil. They found the Brazilians friendly. " Though 
they are not Christians, they are not idolaters, for they adore nothing. 
Natural instinct is their only law." 

This is the phrase of Pigafetta, the young Italian gentleman to whose 
naive book we owe our best and fullest account of the great voyage. It is 
clear enough that all the crews enjoyed their stay in the Bay of Santa Lucia, 
by which name they called our Bay of Rio de Janeiro. It was in the heart 
of the Brazilian summer, for they arrived on the 13th of December. They 
had been nearly three months at sea, and were well disposed to enjoy trop- 
ical luxuries ; and here they stayed thirteen days. Pigafetta describes the 
Brazilian hammocks ; ^ and from his description Europe has taken that 
word. The same may perhaps be said of the mysterious word " canoe," 
which appears in his narrative under the spelling ** canots." ^ 

1 But the word hamac is Haitian, not Bra- age. [Cf. Schomburgk*s RaleigJCs LHscaoery sf 

zilian. The hammock itself had been noticed Guiana^ pp. 40, 65. — Ed.] 

by Columbus. Peter Mart\T describes it, and * [See p. 17 of Vol. II., for a contemporary 

Ovicdo figures it in narrating the second voy- drawing of a canoe. — Ed.] 



MAGELLAN'S DISCOVERY. 



597 




It was Pigafetta's first taste of the luxuries of the South American fields 
and forests, and he delighted in their cheapness and variety, " For a king 
of clubs I bought six chickens," he writes ; " and yet the Brazilian thought 
he had made the best bargain," — as, indeed, in the condition of the fine 
arts at Santa Lucia, 

he had. A knife or a 

hook, however, bought 
no more ; yet the na- 
tives had no tools of 
metal. Their large 
canoes, which would 
carry thirty or forty 
people, were painfully 
dug out by knives of 
stone from the great 
trees of which they 
were made. The Span- 
iards ate the pine- 
apple for the first time. 
Pigafetta does not 
seem to have known 
the sugar-cane before ; 
and he describes the 
sweet potato as a nov- 
elty. " It has almost the form of our turnip, and its taste resembles that 
of chestnuts." Here, also, he gives the name "patata," which has clung 
to this root, and has been transferred to the white potato also. For a 
ribbon, or a hawk's bell, the natives sold a " basketful." Their successors 
would doubtless do the same now. 

The Spaniards found the Brazilians perfectly willing to trade. They 
went wholly naked, — men and women. Their houses were long cabins,^ 
The people told stories, which the navigators believed, of the very great 
age of their i old men, extending it even to one hundred and forty years. 
They owned that they were cannibals on occasion ; but they seem to have 
eaten human flesh only as a symbol of triumph over conquered enemies. 
They painted their bodies, and wore their hair short. Pigafetta says it was 
woolly; but this must have been a mistake. Although he says they go 
naked, he describes a sort of vest made of paroquet's feathers. Almost 

■ [This is Benzoni's representation of the in Pigafelta, Ave found their way into Eu- 

hammocks which are used by the natives of ropean languages. But, oddly enough, three 

the northern shores of South America (ed[- of these were not Brazilian, but were "ship. 

tion of 1572, p. 56). See also the second vol- language," and borrowed from the West Indies. 

amc, p. M. — Ed.] TTiese are cacirk for " king," Aoma.: for "bed," 

* Which they called boi, according to Pi- jnnii for " millet ;" perhaps i:fliic( is to be added. 

gafetta ; but this name has not been traced But StUhoi, the name of their god or devil, is 

since his time. The Brazilian name of house Pigafetta's own. Shakspeare was struck by it, 

was ivfl. Of twelve " Brazilian " words given and gives it to Caliban's divinity. 



INDIAN BEDS.' 



598 



NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 



all the men had the 
lower lip pierced with 
three holes, and wore 
in them little cylin- 
ders of stone two 
inches long. They 
ate cassava bread, 
made in round white 
cakes from the root 
of the manioc' The 
voyagers also ob- 
served the pecari" 
and those curious 
ducks "whose beak 
is like a spoon," de- 
scribed by later trav- 
ellers* 

After a pleasant 
stay of thirteen days 
in this bay, Magellan 
took the squadron to 
the embouchure of 
the River La Plata, 
which had been dis- 
covered four years 
before by Juan Diaz 
de Solis, who lost his 
life there. The Span- 
iards believed the 
tribe of the Qu^- 
randis, before whose 
terrible tolas he had 
fallen, to be canni- 
bals ; and they were 

other maps of South Amer- 
ica. Cf. Miinster's map of 
iS4a Vespucius, in his let- 
Icr to Lorenzo de' Medici, 
was the first lo describe the 
cannibalism of the Brazil- 
ians. Cf. Thevet, SinguiaT- 
ita de la Franct aiUaretiqut, 
chap. x1., on their cannibal- 
ism,— Ed.] 

' Jatropha manihot. 
dstifero (Linnaeus). 

piano ad verticem dilMat* 




» f A part of the " Tabula Terra Nova " in the 
Ptoltmy oi 1522, showing the acts of cannibals. 
Similu- representations appeared on various 



* 5 us dorso 
(LinnaiM?). 



MAGELLAN'S DISCOVERY. 599 

probably right in this supposition. Continuing the voyage southward, 
Magellan's fleet observed the two islands now marked as the ** Penguins " 
and " Lions." The historian of the voyage notes the penguins and " sea- 
wolves" which were then observed there. Passing these islands, they 
opened a harbor, since known as Port Desire, where they spent the South- 
ern winter. It is near the latitude of 50° south. Magellan supposed it to 
be in 49° 18'. Hardly had they arrived in this harbor, in itself sufficiently 
inhospitable, when the mutiny broke out which had been brewing, proba- 
bly, since Magellan's first insult to John of Carthagena. The announce- 
ment made by Magellan that they were to winter here gave the signal for 
the revolt. On Palm Sunday, which fell on the ist of April that year, he 
invited the captains and pilots to meet on his vessel to attend Mass and to 
dine with him. Two of the captains, Mesquita and De Coca, accepted the 
invitation and came with their staffs. Mendoza and Quesada did not come. 
Juan de Carthagena, it will be remembered, was under arrest, and he, of 
course, was not invited. The same night Quesada, with De Carthagena 
and thirty men, crossed from the " Conception " to the " San Antonio," 
and made an efforW to take Mesquita prisoner. At first they succeeded ; 
but the ship's master, Eliorraga, defended him and his so bravely that, with 
succor from Magellan, he retained the command. The purpose of the 
conspirators seems to have been simply to return to Spain without winter- 
ing in so bleak a home. The three rebels sent to Magellan to say that they 
would recognize him as their commander, but they were sure that the King 
did not propose such an undertaking as this to which he was committing 
them. Of course, under the guise of respect, tkis was tg exact submission 
from him. Magellan bade them come on board the flagship. They re- 
fused. Magellan kept the boat which they then sent him, and despatched 
six men, under Espinosa, to the "Victoria " to summon Mendoza. Men- 
doza answered with a sneer. Espinosa at once stabbed him in the neck, 
and a sailor struck him down with a cutlass. Magellan then sent another 
boat, with fifteen men, who took possession of the " Victoria." In every 
case the crews seem to have taken his side against their own captains. 
The next day, the 3d of April, he obtained full possession of the " San- 
tiago" and " Concep9ion." 

On the 4th of that month he quartered the body of Mendoza and pub- 
lished his sentence as a traitor. On the 7th he beheaded Quesada, whose * 
own servant, Molino, volunteered as executioner. When Drake arrived 
here, fifty-eight years after, he supposed he found the bones of Mendoza 
or Quesada under a gibbet which was still standing. Juan de Cartha- 
gena and the priest Pedro Sanchez de la Reina were convicted as part- 
ners in the mutiny, and sentenced to remain when the ships sailed. 
This sentence was afterwards executed. Magellan doubtless felt that 
these examples were sufficient, and he pardoned forty of the crew; but, 
as the reader will see, the spirit which prompted the mutiny was not 
yet extinguished. 



6oO NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 

They had lived here two months without seeing any of the natives, when 
one day, according to the narrative of Pigafetta, a giant appeared to them 
when they least expected to see any one. " He was singing and dancing 
on the sand, and throwing dust upon his head, almost naked. The captain 
sent one of our sailors on shore, with orders to make the same gestures as 
tokens of peace. This the man did ; he was understood, and the giant 
permitted himself to be led to a little island where the captain had landed. 
I was there also, with many others. The giant expressed much astonish- 
ment at seeing us. He pointed to heaven, and undoubtedly meant to say 
that he thought we descended from heaven. 

** This man," continues Pigafetta, " was so tall that our heads hardly came 
up to his belt. He was well formed ; his face was broad and colored with 
red, excepting that his eyes were surrounded with yellow, and he had two 
heart-shaped spots upon his cheeks. He had but little hair, and this was 
whitened with a sort of powder. His dress, or rather cloak, was made of 
furs well sewed, — taken from an animal well known in this region, as we 
afterwards found. He also wore shoes of the same skin." 

It seems desirable to copy this description in detaiU because here begins 
in literature the vexed question as to the existence of giants in Patagonia. 
Whether there ever wq^'e any there is now doubted, though the name 
** Patagonian *' is the synonyme of giant in every European language. While 
the narrative of Pigafetta is thus distinct in saying that one giant only 
appeared at first, another authority, with equal definiteness, says that six 
men appeared ; and it afterwards appears that two of these, at least, were 
larger than the Spaniards. 

The comparison of the details of this last narrative in Herrera with that 
of Pigafetta illustrates curiously the perplexity of all historical inquiry; 
for we are here distinctly told that there were six who appeared on the 
shore and seemed willing to come on board. A boat was sent for them, 
and they embarked on the flagship without fear. Once on deck, the 
Spaniards offered them a kettle full of biscuit, — which was enough, as 
they supposed, for twenty men ; but, with the appetite of hungry Indians, 
the six devoured it all immediately. They wore mantles of furs, and 
carried bows and arrows. The bows were about half a fathom long ; the 
arrows were barbed with sharp stones. All were shod with large shoes, 
like the giant. 

On another day two Indians brought on board a tapir, and it proved 
that their dresses were made from the fur of this animal. Magellan gave 
them in exchange two red dresses, with which they were well satisfied. It 
is not till the next day that Herrera places the visit of the giant. That 
author says that the Indian expressed a wish to become a Christian, and 
that the Spaniards gave him the name of John. Seeing the crew throwing 
some mice overboard, he asked that they might be given to him to eat. 
For six days he took all the mice the ship could furnish, and was never 
afterward seen. 



MAGELLAN'S DISCOVERY. 6oi 

More than twenty days later, four Indians of the first party returned 
to the ships, and Magellan gave orders that two of them should he seized 
to carry home. The men were so large that the Spaniards could not make 
them prisoners without treachery. Loading the poor giants with more 
gifts than they could well carry, they finally asked each to accept an iron 
chain, fitted with manacles. The two Indians were eager enough to accept 
the fatal present, and were easily persuaded to have the chains fastened 
to their legs, that they might the more easily carry them away. They found, 
alas ! as so many other men have found, that what they took for ornament 
was a cruel snare; but, thus crippled, they were overpowered. Their 
screams of rage were heard by their companions on shore. It was 
after this treachery that the natives first attacked the Spaniards. Seeing 
fires at night, Magellan landed a party for exploration. Seven Spaniards 
found the tracks of Indians and followed them inefiectually. As they 
returned, however, nine Indians followed, attacked them, and killed one 
Castilian. But for their shields, all the Spaniards would have been killed. 
The Spaniards closed upon them with their knives, and put them to flight, 
visited their camp, and feasted from the store of meat they found there. 
The next day Magellan sent a larger party on shore and buried the dead 
Castilian. 

The reader is now in possession of all the statements from which we are 
to decide the much-disputed question whether, in the time of Magellan, 
Patagonia was a land of giants. He is to remember that Pigafetta, who was 
the friend and fellow-voyager of the giant Paul, one of the two captives, 
does not in other instances go out of his way to invent the marvellous, 
though he often does repeat marvellous stories which have been related by 
others. It is to be observed that none of the voyagers pretend to have seen 
any large number of Patagonians. The largest number seen at one time 
was nine ; and even if these were different from the six who came to the 
ship, fifteen is the largest number of the native visitors to the squadron. 
Of these, according to one account, in which three at least of the authorities 
agree, two are of extraordinary height, so that the heads of the Spaniards 
reached only to their girdles. It is also said that the feet or shoes of all 
were large, " but not disproportionate to their stature." For three hundred 
years, on this testimony, it was perhaps generally believed that the Patago- 
nians were very large men. The statement was positively made that they 
were nine feet high. But as other voyagers, especially in this century, more 
and more often brought home accounts in which no such giants appeared, 
there was an increasing distrust of the original Spanish narrative. 

Especially when navigators had to do with the wretched Kemenettes 
and Karaikes of the Straits, who are a tribe of really insignificant stature, 
was indignation liberally bestowed on the old traveller's story ; and when, 
in 1837, the original narrative of the Genoese pilot was brought to light by 
Navarrete, — a simple and unexaggerated story; when it proved that he 
made no allusion whatever to any persons of remarkable height, — the whole 

VOL. II. — 76. 



602 



NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 



giant story was declared to be an invention of Pigafetta, and the gigantic 
size of the Patagonians was denounced as a mere traveller's fable. Such 
criticism probably goes too far. 

The simple facts may be taken, and the hasty inference may be dis- 
regarded. Every travelling showman will testify to the fact that Aere 
occasionally appear men, even under the restrictions of civilization, who are 
so tall that the Spaniards, not of a large race, would only come to their 
girdles.' If Pigafetta is to be believed, two such men came to Magellan's 

squadron. Tall men 
came to Cook's squad- 
ron at Honolulu, a hun- 
dred years ago, who 
were quite above the 
average of his men. 

Magellan supposed 
that these were typical 
men, that they were 
specimens of their race. 
Because he supposed so 
he captured them and 
tried to carry them to 
Spain. Magellan was 
mistaken. They were 
not specimens of their 
race ; they were ex- 
traordinary exceptions 
to it But the ready 
tribe of geographers, 
eager to accept marvels 
from the New World, 
at once formed the conclusion that because these two were so large, all 
Patagonians would prove to be so. 

Pigafetta drew no such inference, nor is there any evidence that the 
Spaniards ever did. On the other hand, six Spaniards, with their knives, 
closed fearlessly on nine of these men, and routed them in a hand-to-hand 
fight. We may fairly conclude that the delusion which modern criticism 
has dispelled was not intentionally called into being by the navigators, but 
was rather the deduction drawn from too narrow premises by credulous 
Europe." 

' O'Brien, ihe Irish giant, was eight feet four Patagonians in Thevet's La France aiUarctiqiu, 

inches high. His skeleton is in Ihc College of Gafiarel's ed., p. 287. Schoulen testifies to 

Surgeons in London. finding bones in a grave ten feel and more of 

' (Fac-simile of a part of the cut of Porto stature; and Pemelty's VByagt aux Isla Maie- 

Desire (no. zz) in Lemaire's .^iVcu/iint orietUalis tiints |Paris, 1770) gives the testimon]' of an 

ixcidtnlalisqui. etc., 1599. —Ed.] engraving lo their large stature (Field, Indian 

' [Cf. note on the alleged height of the Bihlii^apky, no. 1,200). There is a cat of two 




giant's skeleton at PORTO DESHtE,* 



MAGELLAN'S DISCOVERY. 6O3 

The next voyagers who saw these people were Drake's party. Fletcher, 
writing in the World Encompassed, after fifty-eight years, says distinctly 
in his narrative of Drake's arrival at this same Port Julian : " We had no 
sooner landed than two young giants repaired to them." Again, speaking 
of the same interview, " he was visited by two of the inhabitants, whom 
Magellan named Patagous, or rather Pentagours, from their huge stature." 
And afterward he resumes the matter in these words: " Magellane was not 
altogether deceived in naming them giants, for they generally differ from 
the common sort of men 
both in stature, bigness, and 
strength of body, as also 
in the hideousness of their 
voice. But yet they are 
nothing so monstrous or 
giant-like as they are re- 
ported, there being some 
Englishmen as tall as the 
highest of any we could 
see. But peradventure the 
Spaniards did not think 
that ever any Englishman 
would come thither to re- 
prove them, and thereupon 
might presume the more 
boldly to lie, — the name 
Pentagones, five cubits, viz. 
seven foot and half, de- 
scribing the full height (if 
not somewhat more) of the 
highest of them." 

This last sneer is in 
Fletcher's worst vein. The 

etymology of " Pentagones " is all his own. Magellan's people say dis- 
tinctly that they named the Patagonians from their large feet, — taking the 
phrase " large feet " from the large shoes which they wore to protect their 




QUONIAMBEC' 



t Patagonians standing beside a Euro- 
pean in Don Casimiro de Ortega's RtstimtH 
kisldricB dil frimir tiiagi kecho al ndedor del 
mundo, fmprmdids par Himande di Afagailaatt 
(Madrid, 1769). Statements ot their unusual 
height have been insisted upon even in Our day 
by travellers. One oF the most Irustnorthy 
nl recent eiplorers (1869-1870) o£ Patagonia, 
Lieulenant G. C. Musters, says that the men 
average six feet, some reaching six feet four 
inches) while the average of the women is five 
feet four. — Ed,1 



' [Fac-simile of a copper-plate engraving in 
the English version of Thcvet's Partraiiurei and 
Livft appended to North's Plutarch (Cambridge, 
England) p. 36. Thevcl in his text says of this 
"giant-like man," "I have seen him and sulR. 
cieni